'I don't think Matthew is a fan': Glenn responds to writer bashing his newest bestseller

September 18, 2015

WRITER

Glenn thanked his audience on radio Friday for helping spread the word about something nobody in Washington seems to understand or care about — the difference between a Muslim and an Islamist.

In his newest book, It IS About Islam, which has topped The New York Times bestseller list for the past three weeks, Glenn drew on quotes from the Koran and the hadith, as well as from leaders of ISIS, Al Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood to expose the true origins of Islamic extremism.

"You need to know the difference between a Muslim and an Islamist," Glenn said.

He went on.

"As I was thinking about this the other day, and I got the call that we were number one on The New York Times list again, I thought to myself, 'Hmm, isn't it weird that the leftists in America is so quiet on a book that's number one?'"

That was before Glenn found a Salon article written by Matthew Pulver, entitled "Glenn Beck’s terrifying new book: 300 pages of Islamophobia dressed up as scholarship."

"When I finished with the article, I started to realize, 'I don't think Matthew is a fan,'" Glenn said.

Glenn proceeded to set the record straight on every false claim brought up in Pulver's article.

Listen to the entertaining radio segment here, or read the full transcript below.

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors.

GLENN: I want to thank you for making -- I think this is the third week in a row that we're number one for It Is About Islam.

This is the exposing of the truth about ISIS, al-Qaeda, Iran, and the caliphate, and it is important for you to understand it because nobody in Washington seems to understand it or seems to care. And there is a difference between a Muslim and an Islamist. And you need to know the difference between Muslim and Islamist.

And as I was thinking about this the other day, and I got the call that we were number one on the New York Times list again. I thought to myself, "Hmm, isn't it weird that the leftists in America is so quiet on a book that's number one?"

It kind of makes me and my security detail a little nervous. Why are they so quiet about this? Usually I -- I mean, they should have tried to put me out of business by now. Called me all kinds of horrible names.

PAT: Death threats. All kinds of fun things.

GLENN: All kinds of fun things. But then I found Matthew Pulver's gem, if I can call it -- truly wonderful. Just terrific.

PAT: It's a special article.

GLENN: It's a special article. Terrific.

STU: Is it phenomenal?

GLENN: Yeah, it is phenomenal. And this comes from Salon. And the headline is Glenn Beck's terrifying new book. Three hundred pages of Islamophobia dressed up as scholarship.

Now, it's interesting that he used Islamophobia Because I show you the root of the word "Islamophobia" in the book, where it came from, who started it, why they're doing it.

And he executes it perfectly. If he'd read the book, he would see exactly how he fits right perfectly into the game. But when I finished with the article, I -- I started to realize, "I don't think Matthew is a fan."

(laughter)

GLENN: Really.

PAT: I got that impression too.

GLENN: Did you read the article too?

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: Weird. And it starts out subtle. It starts out with: Glenn Beck would like to tell you about Islam. Sure, he's a walking conspiracy generator who has been wrong, nearly every time he parts his lips. Which is a lot -- I mean, that seems strong.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: But he gives me a couple of examples. He writes: Wrong about Obama's SS-like civilian national security force, which is interesting that he put civilian national security force in quotations because it's such a crazy quote. You've got to quote -- you have to put that quote in there because --

PAT: Then you know --

GLENN: Civilian -- how crazy.

PAT: He was actually quoting you.

GLENN: No. Actually, no. He was actually quoting, not me, but Barack Obama.

OBAMA: We cannot continue to rely only on our military in order to achieve the national security objectives that we've set. We've got to have a civilian national security force that's just as powerful, just as strong, just as well-funded.

GLENN: Okay. So never had an explanation on that. And I have mused a few times on, "What the hell is that?"

Now we can argue all day over what he was talking about. But I can't be wrong about Obama's civilian national security force because he's the one who said they were going to build it. So I don't know what it is. But he continues and he says: Beck was wrong about Obama's FEMA camps, which is really an interesting one. We heard the rumors about the FEMA camps. And then we wanted to find out if there was anything about the FEMA camps. Is there any truth to that rumor at all? Have my staff, you know, go and do the work. Get on TV and say, hey, I just want to tell you, at 5 o'clock today, we're going to tell you the truth about FEMA camps. Let me tell you about FEMA camps. There's no FEMA camps. They don't exist.

STU: You didn't by any chance use your own resources and send cameramen to the actual location to show that --

GLENN: Of course not.

STU: You didn't invite someone from popular mechanics to disprove --

GLENN: No. To disprove the existence of -- yeah, that's exactly what I did.

STU: Okay.

GLENN: So then he says: Beck was wrong about Obama using the Postal Service as an evil spy network.

STU: I don't remember that show.

PAT: What?

GLENN: Okay. I don't remember that one. It's hard to say that I was wrong about something that I never even heard of, let alone promoted. But maybe I said it. I mean, I've said a million things times 1,000 over the last few years. The Postal Service being used as an evil spy network seems really stupid because, I mean, you know, you've got all the phone companies being used as a spy network. So why -- why would you go to the Postal Service? But, you know, I don't know what the story was. It might have made me say something like that.

PAT: You didn't.

GLENN: Are you sure?

PAT: Yeah. I've never --

GLENN: Well, anyway, he got the phone companies using as a spy network. I know that I've said under George W. Bush, I didn't like the fact that he was calling for people to spy on their neighbors and call us if you see something, call DHS. But hang on just a second. He actually said that, and Barack Obama tried to institute it through the White House. If your neighbor says something, you let us know at whitehouse.gov. So Post Office, I don't remember. But the other stuff was actually being done or was seriously debated. So if he's okay with the NSA monitoring of all email and phone conversations and saving up of all of that information. Okay.

Then he wraps up his slanderous -- sorry, what did I say? Then he wraps up his slanderous nonsensical accusations with this, quote: And the seemingly countless, breathless alarm warnings over the years.

The breathless alarm warnings over the years.

Now, he doesn't print this out. But I'm going to give you some of these warnings that's so breathless and nonsensical that I don't even know why I would say -- for instance, in 1999 when I said, quote, there would be blood and bodies in the streets of New York if we don't pay attention to Osama bin Laden. He means what he says. End quote.

In 2006, '7, and '8, when I warned people to get their money out of the stock market because there was a housing crash that was coming and it would be bad.

The breathless, alarmist warnings like encouraging the uprising in Egypt would lead to a destabilizing of Europe and the Middle East. And the destabilization would spread throughout the Middle East, and a caliphate would be established and then it would spread to Europe and destabilize all of Europe.

Or probably I was out of breath when I warned that Greece was about to collapse. That Germany wouldn't be willing to continue to lend Greece the money. That was crazy. Or my breathless warnings when I said Nazis will come back and you will find them in Greece, and you will find them, Nazis and fascists all over Europe. I was out of breath when I said that because that was a long sentence. Or the breathless alarmist when I said the fed would print money and then they would print more money. And then they wouldn't be able to stop printing more money. Or when I said that Russia would lead the world into a plan to dedollarize the rest of the world. And that China would stop buying our debt. That was breathless and alarmist. Because I remember them telling us, that China needs us. They will never do that. Or when I said that progressives would become so bold that they would admit finally, yeah, you know what, we are socialists because this capitalist thing doesn't work. So, yeah, there's nothing wrong with being a socialist.

Now, that warning is crazy too because isn't an avowed socialist leading the party in at least two primary states right now? Just wanted to point that out.

So I don't know Matthew Pulver at all, but he apparently has such blind rage, that he obviously didn't bother checking into a single fact. And the people at Salon are so sloppy and such hacks, that it doesn't -- they don't lose any sleep at night because that's what they do for a living. The hatred is so complete that this author finds himself enraged with the phrase "all lives matter." Now, I want you to think about that. All lives matter enrages you. He writes, all lives matter concludes the book as if Christian nationalism throughout needed a final splash of racism.

PAT: Jeez.

GLENN: Could I ask, when did the proclamation that all lives matter become racist? Because all, at least in my book, includes white, black, brown, yellow, red. All includes all. If I tell my kids, pick up all of your toys, if they only pick a few of their toys, I'm kind of pissed off at them. And I ask them, do you understand that I just said, pick up all of your toys? All means all. But maybe -- maybe it would have had a point if I concluded in my book that some lives matter or a few lives matter. Or only American lives matter. But I said all lives matter.

Then he goes into this. In a nice symmetry between the final white reactionary note recalls the scene on which the book opens. The Thomas Jefferson prophetically consulting the Koran before he became, quote, the first American president to go to war with Islamic radicals, end quote.

In the 1801 war with North American Barbary States, essentially the United States' first foreign war, Beck shocks his reader with a revelation by the Barbary ambassador in 1786 to Jefferson and his eventual presidential predecessor John Adams. The Islamic Barbary armies used Koranic scripture to permit the enslavement of a portion of enemies captured in battle.

Enslaving Americans, Africans doing that? But that's the wrong way around. And relying on pro-slavery scripture that isn't the Bible? Beck is so eager to construct a narrative in which Islamic hordes have always pounded the innocent American gates. Casually he overlooks the horror of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, of which Jefferson was no small beneficiary in the biblical means of its defense.

Now, Matthew, I have to tell you, I didn't -- what is it, casually overlook the horror of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. It's just, this isn't a book about the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade and its horrors. If you want a book about that, one that's been on the market for a long time is Roots. Great story. Not exactly true. It didn't actually happen to Alex Haley's family.

PAT: Still riveting.

GLENN: Still riveting and still basically true

STU: Why would you think Salon needed it to be true?

GLENN: You're right. You're right.

So he doesn't dispute the facts. He doesn't allege that I'm wrong about going to war in 1801 against Muslim pirates. He just thinks that I should talk about something else.

Throughout the rest of the article, Pulver vents obvious disdain and lack of understanding for both me, Christianity, and the Bible. And did I mention his disdain for me? And he doesn't cite a single fact that's inaccurate. This writer could apparently get past the fact that it is about Islam, rather than just some person or some group. But, see, that's the whole point of the book. It's not a nice -- I hate to boil it down to something so simple. It is about Islam, as we painstakingly documented in the book. The persons and the group get their ideology from the Koran and the Hadith, which we checked and rechecked with leading scholars and imams in the Middle East to verify that every word we said was true. Which is why I said and stand by, it is about Islam. An important book. One that you will not find anywhere else. But we're done mincing words. The truth has to be told. Available in bookstores everywhere. It Is About Islam.

Rage isn’t conservatism — THIS is what true patriots stand for

Gary Hershorn / Contributor | Getty Images

Conservatism is not about rage or nostalgia. It’s about moral clarity, national renewal, and guarding the principles that built America’s freedom.

Our movement is at a crossroads, and the question before us is simple: What does it mean to be a conservative in America today?

For years, we have been told what we are against — against the left, against wokeism, against decline. But opposition alone does not define a movement, and it certainly does not define a moral vision.

We are not here to cling to the past or wallow in grievance. We are not the movement of rage. We are the movement of reason and hope.

The media, as usual, are eager to supply their own answer. The New York Times recently suggested that Nick Fuentes represents the “future” of conservatism. That’s nonsense — a distortion of both truth and tradition. Fuentes and those like him do not represent American conservatism. They represent its counterfeit.

Real conservatism is not rage. It is reverence. It does not treat the past as a museum, but as a teacher. America’s founders asked us to preserve their principles and improve upon their practice. That means understanding what we are conserving — a living covenant, not a relic.

Conservatism as stewardship

In 2025, conservatism means stewardship — of a nation, a culture, and a moral inheritance too precious to abandon. To conserve is not to freeze history. It is to stand guard over what is essential. We are custodians of an experiment in liberty that rests on the belief that rights come not from kings or Congress, but from the Creator.

That belief built this country. It will be what saves it. The Constitution is a covenant between generations. Conservatism is the duty to keep that covenant alive — to preserve what works, correct what fails, and pass on both wisdom and freedom to those who come next.

Economics, culture, and morality are inseparable. Debt is not only fiscal; it is moral. Spending what belongs to the unborn is theft. Dependence is not compassion; it is weakness parading as virtue. A society that trades responsibility for comfort teaches citizens how to live as slaves.

Freedom without virtue is not freedom; it is chaos. A culture that mocks faith cannot defend liberty, and a nation that rejects truth cannot sustain justice. Conservatism must again become the moral compass of a disoriented people, reminding America that liberty survives only when anchored to virtue.

Rebuilding what is broken

We cannot define ourselves by what we oppose. We must build families, communities, and institutions that endure. Government is broken because education is broken, and education is broken because we abandoned the formation of the mind and the soul. The work ahead is competence, not cynicism.

Conservatives should embrace innovation and technology while rejecting the chaos of Silicon Valley. Progress must not come at the expense of principle. Technology must strengthen people, not replace them. Artificial intelligence should remain a servant, never a master. The true strength of a nation is not measured by data or bureaucracy, but by the quiet webs of family, faith, and service that hold communities together. When Washington falters — and it will — those neighborhoods must stand.

Eric Lee / Stringer | Getty Images

This is the real work of conservatism: to conserve what is good and true and to reform what has decayed. It is not about slogans; it is about stewardship — the patient labor of building a civilization that remembers what it stands for.

A creed for the rising generation

We are not here to cling to the past or wallow in grievance. We are not the movement of rage. We are the movement of reason and hope.

For the rising generation, conservatism cannot be nostalgia. It must be more than a memory of 9/11 or admiration for a Reagan era they never lived through. Many young Americans did not experience those moments — and they should not have to in order to grasp the lessons they taught and the truths they embodied. The next chapter is not about preserving relics but renewing purpose. It must speak to conviction, not cynicism; to moral clarity, not despair.

Young people are searching for meaning in a culture that mocks truth and empties life of purpose. Conservatism should be the moral compass that reminds them freedom is responsibility and that faith, family, and moral courage remain the surest rebellions against hopelessness.

To be a conservative in 2025 is to defend the enduring principles of American liberty while stewarding the culture, the economy, and the spirit of a free people. It is to stand for truth when truth is unfashionable and to guard moral order when the world celebrates chaos.

We are not merely holding the torch. We are relighting it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Glenn Beck: Here's what's WRONG with conservatism today

Getty Images / Handout | Getty Images

What does it mean to be a conservative in 2025? Glenn offers guidance on what conservatives need to do to ensure the conservative movement doesn't fade into oblivion. We have to get back to PRINCIPLES, not policies.

To be a conservative in 2025 means to STAND

for Stewardship, protecting the wisdom of our Founders;
for Truth, defending objective reality in an age of illusion;
for Accountability, living within our means as individuals and as a nation;
for Neighborhood, rebuilding family, faith, and local community;
and for Duty, carrying freedom forward to the next generation.

A conservative doesn’t cling to the past — he stands guard over the principles that make the future possible.

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: You know, I'm so tired of being against everything. Saying what we're not.

It's time that we start saying what we are. And it's hard, because we're changing. It's different to be a conservative, today, than it was, you know, years ago.

And part of that is just coming from hard knocks. School of hard knocks. We've learned a lot of lessons on things we thought we were for. No, no, no.

But conservatives. To be a conservative, it shouldn't be about policies. It's really about principles. And that's why we've lost our way. Because we've lost our principles. And it's easy. Because the world got easy. And now the world is changing so rapidly. The boundaries between truth and illusion are blurred second by second. Machines now think. Currencies falter. Families fractured. And nations, all over the world, have forgotten who they are.

So what does it mean to be a conservative now, in 2025, '26. For a lot of people, it means opposing the left. That's -- that's a reaction. That's not renewal.

That's a reaction. It can't mean also worshiping the past, as if the past were perfect. The founders never asked for that.

They asked that we would preserve the principles and perfect their practice. They knew it was imperfect. To make a more perfect nation.

Is what we're supposed to be doing.

2025, '26 being a conservative has to mean stewardship.

The stewardship of a nation, of a civilization.

Of a moral inheritance. That is too precious to abandon.

What does it mean to conserve? To conserve something doesn't mean to stand still.

It means to stand guard. It means to defend what the Founders designed. The separation of powers. The rule of law.

The belief that our rights come not from kings or from Congress, but from the creator himself.
This is a system that was not built for ease. It was built for endurance, and it will endure if we only teach it again!

The problem is, we only teach it like it's a museum piece. You know, it's not a museum piece. It's not an old dusty document. It's a living covenant between the dead, the living and the unborn.

So this chapter of -- of conservatism. Must confront reality. Economic reality.

Global reality.

And moral reality.

It's not enough just to be against something. Or chant tax cuts or free markets.

We have to ask -- we have to start with simple questions like freedom, yes. But freedom for what?

Freedom for economic sovereignty. Your right to produce and to innovate. To build without asking Beijing's permission. That's a moral issue now.

Another moral issue: Debt! It's -- it's generational theft. We're spending money from generations we won't even meet.

And dependence. Another moral issue. It's a national weakness.

People cannot stand up for themselves. They can't make it themselves. And we're encouraging them to sit down, shut up, and don't think.

And the conservative who can't connect with fiscal prudence, and connect fiscal prudence to moral duty, you're not a conservative at all.

Being a conservative today, means you have to rebuild an economy that serves liberty, not one that serves -- survives by debt, and then there's the soul of the nation.

We are living through a time period. An age of dislocation. Where our families are fractured.

Our faith is almost gone.

Meaning is evaporating so fast. Nobody knows what meaning of life is. That's why everybody is killing themselves. They have no meaning in life. And why they don't have any meaning, is truth itself is mocked and blurred and replaced by nothing, but lies and noise.

If you want to be a conservative, then you have to be to become the moral compass that reminds a lost people, liberty cannot survive without virtue.

That freedom untethered from moral order is nothing, but chaos!

And that no app, no algorithm, no ideology is ever going to fill the void, where meaning used to live!

To be a conservative, moving forward, we cannot just be about policies.

We have to defend the sacred, the unseen, the moral architecture, that gives people an identity. So how do you do that? Well, we have to rebuild competence. We have to restore institutions that actually work. Just in the last hour, this monologue on what we're facing now, because we can't open the government.

Why can't we open the government?

Because government is broken. Why does nobody care? Because education is broken.

We have to reclaim education, not as propaganda, but as the formation of the mind and the soul. Conservatives have to champion innovation.

Not to imitate Silicon Valley's chaos, but to harness technology in defense of human dignity. Don't be afraid of AI.

Know what it is. Know it's a tool. It's a tool to strengthen people. As long as you always remember it's a tool. Otherwise, you will lose your humanity to it!

That's a conservative principle. To be a conservative, we have to restore local strength. Our families are the basic building blocks, our schools, our churches, and our charities. Not some big, distant NGO that was started by the Tides Foundation, but actual local charities, where you see people working. A web of voluntary institutions that held us together at one point. Because when Washington fails, and it will, it already has, the neighborhood has to stand.

Charlie Kirk was doing one thing that people on our side were not doing. Speaking to the young.

But not in nostalgia.

Not in -- you know, Reagan, Reagan, Reagan.

In purpose. They don't remember. They don't remember who Dick Cheney was.

I was listening to Fox news this morning, talking about Dick Cheney. And there was somebody there that I know was not even born when Dick Cheney. When the World Trade Center came down.

They weren't even born. They were telling me about Dick Cheney.

And I was like, come on. Come on. Come on.

If you don't remember who Dick Cheney was, how are you going to remember 9/11. How will you remember who Reagan was.

That just says, that's an old man's creed. No, it's not.

It's the ultimate timeless rebellion against tyranny in all of its forms. Yes, and even the tyranny of despair, which is eating people alive!

We need to redefine ourselves. Because we have changed, and that's a good thing. The creed for a generation, that will decide the fate of the republic, is what we need to find.

A conservative in 2025, '26.

Is somebody who protects the enduring principles of American liberty and self-government.

While actively stewarding the institutions. The culture. The economy of this nation!

For those who are alive and yet to be unborn.

We have to be a group of people that we're not anchored in the past. Or in rage! But in reason. And morality. Realism. And hope for the future.

We're the stewards! We're the ones that have to relight the torch, not just hold it. We didn't -- we didn't build this Torch. We didn't make this Torch. We're the keepers of the flame, but we are honor-bound to pass that forward, and conservatives are viewed as people who just live in the past. We're not here to merely conserve the past, but to renew it. To sort it. What worked, what didn't work. We're the ones to say to the world, there's still such a thing as truth. There's still such a thing as virtue. You can deny it all you want.

But the pain will only get worse. There's still such a thing as America!

And if now is not the time to renew America. When is that time?

If you're not the person. If we're not the generation to actively stand and redefine and defend, then who is that person?

We are -- we are supposed to preserve what works.

That -- you know, I was writing something this morning.

I was making notes on this. A constitutionalist is for restraint. A progressive, if you will, for lack of a better term, is for more power.

Progressives want the government to have more power.

Conservatives are for more restraint.

But the -- for the American eagle to fly, we must have both wings.

And one can't be stronger than the other.

We as a conservative, are supposed to look and say, no. Don't look at that. The past teaches us this, this, and this. So don't do that.

We can't do that. But there are these things that we were doing in the past, that we have to jettison. And maybe the other side has a good idea on what should replace that. But we're the ones who are supposed to say, no, but remember the framework.

They're -- they can dream all they want.
They can come up with all these utopias and everything else, and we can go, "That's a great idea."

But how do we make it work with this framework? Because that's our job. The point of this is, it takes both. It takes both.

We have to have the customs and the moral order. And the practices that have stood the test of time, in trial.

We -- we're in an amazing, amazing time. Amazing time.

We live at a time now, where anything -- literally anything is possible!

I don't want to be against stuff. I want to be for the future. I want to be for a rich, dynamic future. One where we are part of changing the world for the better!

Where more people are lifted out of poverty, more people are given the freedom to choose, whatever it is that they want to choose, as their own government and everything.

I don't want to force it down anybody's throat.

We -- I am so excited to be a shining city on the hill again.

We have that opportunity, right in front of us!

But not in we get bogged down in hatred, in division.

Not if we get bogged down into being against something.

We must be for something!

I know what I'm for.

Do you?

From Pharaoh to Hamas: The same spirit of evil, new disguise

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

The drone footage out of Gaza isn’t just war propaganda — it’s a glimpse of the same darkness that once convinced men they were righteous for killing innocents.

Evil introduces itself subtly. It doesn’t announce, “Hi, I’m here to destroy you.” It whispers. It flatters. It borrows the language of justice, empathy, and freedom, twisting them until hatred sounds righteous and violence sounds brave.

We are watching that same deception unfold again — in the streets, on college campuses, and in the rhetoric of people who should know better. It’s the oldest story in the world, retold with new slogans.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage.

A drone video surfaced this week showing Hamas terrorists staging the “discovery” of a hostage’s body. They pushed a corpse out of a window, dragged it into a hole, buried it, and then called in aid workers to “find” what they themselves had planted. It was theater — evil, disguised as victimhood. And it was caught entirely on camera.

That’s how evil operates. It never comes in through the front door. It sneaks in, often through manipulative pity. The same spirit animates the moral rot spreading through our institutions — from the halls of universities to the chambers of government.

Take Zohran Mamdani, a New York assemblyman who has praised jihadists and defended pro-Hamas agitators. His father, a Columbia University professor, wrote that America and al-Qaeda are morally equivalent — that suicide bombings shouldn’t be viewed as barbaric. Imagine thinking that way after watching 3,000 Americans die on 9/11. That’s not intellectualism. That’s indoctrination.

Often, that indoctrination comes from hostile foreign actors, peddled by complicit pawns on our own soil. The pro-Hamas protests that erupted across campuses last year, for example, were funded by Iran — a regime that murders its own citizens for speaking freely.

Ancient evil, new clothes

But the deeper danger isn’t foreign money. It’s the spiritual blindness that lets good people believe resentment is justice and envy is discernment. Scripture talks about the spirit of Amalek — the eternal enemy of God’s people, who attacks the weak from behind while the strong look away. Amalek never dies; it just changes its vocabulary and form with the times.

Today, Amalek tweets. He speaks through professors who defend terrorism as “anti-colonial resistance.” He preaches from pulpits that call violence “solidarity.” And he recruits through algorithms, whispering that the Jews control everything, that America had it coming, that chaos is freedom. Those are ancient lies wearing new clothes.

When nations embrace those lies, it’s not the Jews who perish first. It’s the nations themselves. The soul dies long before the body. The ovens of Auschwitz didn’t start with smoke; they started with silence and slogans.

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

A time for choosing

So what do we do? We speak truth — calmly, firmly, without venom. Because hatred can’t kill hatred; it only feeds it. Truth, compassion, and courage starve it to death.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage. That’s how Amalek survives — by making you fight him with his own weapons. The only victory that lasts is moral clarity without malice, courage without cruelty.

The war we’re fighting isn’t new. It’s the same battle between remembrance and amnesia, covenant and chaos, humility and pride. The same spirit that whispered to Pharaoh, to Hitler, and to every mob that thought hatred could heal the world is whispering again now — on your screens, in your classrooms, in your churches.

Will you join it, or will you stand against it?

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Bill Gates ends climate fear campaign, declares AI the future ruler

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

The Big Tech billionaire once said humanity must change or perish. Now he claims we’ll survive — just as elites prepare total surveillance.

For decades, Americans have been told that climate change is an imminent apocalypse — the existential threat that justifies every intrusion into our lives, from banning gas stoves to rationing energy to tracking personal “carbon scores.”

Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates helped lead that charge. He warned repeatedly that the “climate disaster” would be the greatest crisis humanity would ever face. He invested billions in green technology and demanded the world reach net-zero emissions by 2050 “to avoid catastrophe.”

The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch.

Now, suddenly, he wants everyone to relax: Climate change “will not lead to humanity’s demise” after all.

Gates was making less of a scientific statement and more of a strategic pivot. When elites retire a crisis, it’s never because the threat is gone — it’s because a better one has replaced it. And something else has indeed arrived — something the ruling class finds more useful than fear of the weather.The same day Gates downshifted the doomsday rhetoric, Amazon announced it would pay warehouse workers $30 an hour — while laying off 30,000 people because artificial intelligence will soon do their jobs.

Climate panic was the warm-up. AI control is the main event.

The new currency of power

The world once revolved around oil and gas. Today, it revolves around the electricity demanded by server farms, the chips that power machine learning, and the data that can be used to manipulate or silence entire populations. The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch. Whoever controls energy now controls information. And whoever controls information controls civilization.

Climate alarmism gave elites a pretext to centralize power over energy. Artificial intelligence gives them a mechanism to centralize power over people. The future battles will not be about carbon — they will be about control.

Two futures — both ending in tyranny

Americans are already being pushed into what look like two opposing movements, but both leave the individual powerless.

The first is the technocratic empire being constructed in the name of innovation. In its vision, human work will be replaced by machines, and digital permissions will subsume personal autonomy.

Government and corporations merge into a single authority. Your identity, finances, medical decisions, and speech rights become access points monitored by biometric scanners and enforced by automated gatekeepers. Every step, purchase, and opinion is tracked under the noble banner of “efficiency.”

The second is the green de-growth utopia being marketed as “compassion.” In this vision, prosperity itself becomes immoral. You will own less because “the planet” requires it. Elites will redesign cities so life cannot extend beyond a 15-minute walking radius, restrict movement to save the Earth, and ration resources to curb “excess.” It promises community and simplicity, but ultimately delivers enforced scarcity. Freedom withers when surviving becomes a collective permission rather than an individual right.

Both futures demand that citizens become manageable — either automated out of society or tightly regulated within it. The ruling class will embrace whichever version gives them the most leverage in any given moment.

Climate panic was losing its grip. AI dependency — and the obedience it creates — is far more potent.

The forgotten way

A third path exists, but it is the one today’s elites fear most: the path laid out in our Constitution. The founders built a system that assumes human beings are not subjects to be monitored or managed, but moral agents equipped by God with rights no government — and no algorithm — can override.

Hesham Elsherif / Stringer | Getty Images

That idea remains the most “disruptive technology” in history. It shattered the belief that people need kings or experts or global committees telling them how to live. No wonder elites want it erased.

Soon, you will be told you must choose: Live in a world run by machines or in a world stripped down for planetary salvation. Digital tyranny or rationed equality. Innovation without liberty or simplicity without dignity.

Both are traps.

The only way

The only future worth choosing is the one grounded in ordered liberty — where prosperity and progress exist alongside moral responsibility and personal freedom and human beings are treated as image-bearers of God — not climate liabilities, not data profiles, not replaceable hardware components.

Bill Gates can change his tune. The media can change the script. But the agenda remains the same.

They no longer want to save the planet. They want to run it, and they expect you to obey.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Glenn's Show Prep

'I don't think Matthew is a fan': Glenn responds to writer bashing his newest bestseller

Rage isn’t conservatism — THIS is what true patriots stand for

Conservatism is not about rage or nostalgia. It’s about moral clarity, national renewal, and guarding the principles that built America’s freedom.

We are not here to cling to the past or wallow in grievance. We are not the movement of rage. We are the movement of reason and hope.

Conservatism as stewardship

Rebuilding what is broken

A creed for the rising generation

Glenn Beck: Here's what's WRONG with conservatism today

Transcript

From Pharaoh to Hamas: The same spirit of evil, new disguise

The drone footage out of Gaza isn’t just war propaganda — it’s a glimpse of the same darkness that once convinced men they were righteous for killing innocents.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage.

Ancient evil, new clothes

A time for choosing

Bill Gates ends climate fear campaign, declares AI the future ruler

The Big Tech billionaire once said humanity must change or perish. Now he claims we’ll survive — just as elites prepare total surveillance.

The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch.

The new currency of power

Two futures — both ending in tyranny

The forgotten way

The only way