What Made Marco Rubio Stumble in New Hampshire?

Now is the time to vote on principle.

The Context

Coming off a strong surge of support and a surprising third place finish in the Iowa caucuses last week, Marco Rubio was poised for another strong outing in New Hampshire. Not only did Rubio fall out of the top three, he tumbled all the way behind Donald Trump, John Kasich, Ted Cruz and Jeb Bush to finish in fifth place, leaving Glenn scratching his head wondering what just happened.

“Rubio stumbled badly,” Glenn said Wednesday on the Glenn Beck Program. “I don't know what's going to happen. I mean, I don't understand the Rubio fall here. I don't think he's a strong candidate for some reason. I don't understand it.”

Glenn may have been confused but Stu was, well, stupefied.

“Well, the guy finished --- he almost beat Donald Trump in Iowa. And he was polling at, what, 14 percent? 13 percent? He got 22 percent. He outperformed his polls dramatically. He had all of the media momentum. Everyone was saying he was the guy,” Stu said.

‘Regretful’ in New Hampshire

Rubio’s inability to seize the momentum from Iowa was confusing to some, but for Melissa who called in from New Hampshire, she left the polling booth kicking herself for not sticking to her guns.

“My husband and I, you know, we've been supporters of Ted Cruz. We were going back and forth between Ted Cruz and Rubio just because I guess we just bought into listening to everybody say that Cruz is going to come in fifth or sixth. We wanted our votes to count, so we ended up literally walking in and voting for Rubio. And we were literally kicking ourselves last night because we could have put our votes to Ted Cruz,” Melissa said.

“And I just never thought that somebody like Ted Cruz would come in how he did, just based on the majority of people up here. I really didn't think that there was any point in voting for him. And we just really, really regret that now.”

Rubio’s stumble just might be the silver lining in this year’s election for Ted Cruz supporters. With Rubio being the "electable" one and finishing behind Cruz in both Iowa and New Hampshire, the voters just might turn the corner on Cruz’ electability issues and start voting their convictions.

Voting Your Conscience

Stu jumped in on the conversation to point something out Glenn has been calling on the audience to do for some time now, vote your conscience and convictions. The three then exchanged thoughts on how things may have gone differently in New Hampshire had more people followed that advice.

“This is a good lesson, I think, Melissa, if I may,” Stu said. “In that, you can't try to strategically vote and try to figure out how to manipulate the process with your one vote.”

“Exactly. You have to vote for your conviction. You really do,” Melissa agreed.

“How many people do you think felt that way?” Glenn asked.

“I think he would have come very close to Kasich, if not better, if people truly voted the way --- you know, to their convictions,” Melissa said.

It wouldn’t be a serious conversation on the Glenn Beck Program without a prediction, and Glenn did not disappoint.

“Now is the time now is the time to do that. And what we have at stake is --- please listen to me. The revolution that is coming. Bernie Sanders is a revolution of socialism. Donald Trump is a revolution of cronyism, I think personally fascism. But cronyism.”

Principled in the Desert

Matt calling from Nevada was one step ahead of Glenn in 2012 and voted third party rather than compromise his principles.

“But in 2012, we were so dedicated on principle that we just could not pull the lever for Romney,” Matt said. “We actually voted third party for Gary Johnson. And I did not want to see another four years of Obama, but I had to vote for principles.”

“Good for you,” Glenn said. "I will say this, I'm trying to be that man.”

The conversation turned toward Donald Trump when Scott in Utah called in to discuss how the “conservative” media has treated Cruz and embraced Trump.

“Rush loves Ted Cruz. For some reason, they've allowed this Donald Trump train to run off the rails. There is absolutely --- I would like all of these guys to say, if Ted Cruz is not your number one guy, Rush, Sean, conservatives on Fox News, give me the one reason you don't like Ted Cruz? Or they do like him. What's the one reason why you would rather have Donald than Ted?  Because I don't get it. And it's driving me crazy,” Scott said.

Scott’s honest questioning prompted a strong response from Glenn.

“I'm going to make a pretty bold statement. And I'll back it up from something I have in from the media here in a minute. If Donald Trump wins the nomination of the party, it will be in large thanks to Fox News, Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity. Because you're exactly right,” Glenn said.

Common Sense Bottom Line

Whether it was just a bad performance in the last debate or something deeper, Marco Rubio appears to be on the downslope of his wave. Now is the time for voters to stick to their principles and pull the lever for the candidate that best fits their values so they can lay down and night and not kick themselves for voting the lesser of two evils.

Listen to this segment from The Glenn Beck Program:

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN:  Rubio stumbled badly.  I don't know what's going to happen.  I mean, I don't understand the Rubio fall here.  I don't think he's a strong candidate for some reason.  I don't understand it.

STU:  That's so weird though.  It was the exact opposite literally Friday.

PAT:  It is.

STU:  Friday was this -- here he is --

GLENN:  But how much of that was media hype?

STU:  Well, the guy finished -- he almost beat Donald Trump in Iowa.  And he was polling at, what, 14 percent?  13 percent?  He got 22 percent.  He outperformed his polls dramatically.  He had all of the media momentum.  Everyone was saying he was the guy.

PAT:  He was polling second or third in New Hampshire.

STU:  Yeah, he was.

PAT:  And I didn't think he was that bad at the -- at the debate.

GLENN:  Yeah, I didn't think so either.

PAT:  But everybody is making it out like Chris Christie crushed him.  I don't know that that's the case.  I mean, everybody has the memorized speech they use.  I mean, good golly.  

GLENN:  Yeah, we defended it yesterday.  

PAT:  Chris Christie himself with the federal prosecutor thing, that drives me out of my mind.  And as we've talked about, every single time he goes to, "See, that's what I'm talking.  These two senators over here.  They're senators.  They don't get anything done.  I'm a governor.  You don't want senators.  You want a governor."  Shut up.  It's the same thing every time.

STU:  Yeah.

PAT:  So why is that so bad with Rubio and not Christie and certainly not Trump?  I mean, Trump's repeat thing -- I think we played that yesterday.  It's outrageous how many times he talks about the big, beautiful wall.  In the same stupid way he talks about it every time.  And it's embarrassing to listen to, and yet he does it every step.

GLENN:  No.  I don't know what happened to Rubio.

PAT:  I don't either.

GLENN:  But I think there's a chance that Rubio -- that Rubio folds now.  That Rubio is over.

PAT:  Well, he'll wait until after South Carolina.

GLENN:  No, I'm not saying drop out.

PAT:  Yeah.

GLENN:  I'm saying this wave of Rubio.  That Rubio had his moment and it for some reason passed.

PAT:  Well, it does happen quickly in these things.

GLENN:  It does.

STU:  It's so frustrating in this election process that seemingly this happened to a lot of candidates.  And a lot of good candidates.  You know, Scott Walker this happened to.

GLENN:  But you can explain it.  Here me out for a second.  This doesn't explain New Hampshire.  But who is voting for Rubio?  Who I think is voting for Rubio are these people who say, "You know what, he was a Tea Party guy, and he's Hispanic.  And he can win.  And he's a good speaker.  And he's young."  But there's not a lot of depth there.  Okay.  I don't see anybody that is like, "He's the guy that can change the world."  He's the guy that can win; that's what they all say.  Rubio can win.  Not the guy that changes the world.

STU:  I think the argument for him and the caller earlier who voted for Rubio in New Hampshire and kind of regretted it because she really likes Cruz more, but thought Rubio could win kind of outlined the path for Rubio, which is a guy who is conservative enough, but can win.  Where people would say Ted Cruz, he's too conservative.  He can't win.

GLENN:  That's what they said about Ronald Reagan.

STU:  Right.  Of course.  Obviously I disagree with that analysis.  But, I mean, I can understand -- like I don't understand the electability argument with Donald Trump.  I do understand it with Marco Rubio.  He polls very well against the other side.  And he was doing everything that would go down this path until that debate.  And it seemed to completely turn around there, for some reason.

GLENN:  You know, when we come back, I want to talk a little bit -- we have a guy from Nevada that I want to talk to.  And then I want to share a little -- people are comparing Ted Cruz to the Ronald Reagan years.  I think that's a wrong comparison.  I think people should compare him to Calvin Coolidge.  And it's a more accurate description and even a more powerful win than what Reagan -- what Reagan did in the 1980s.  I'll explain, coming up.

(OUT AT 9:32AM)

GLENN:  This is a never a good thing when somebody on the staff says, I have an announcement to make.  But Jeffy has an announcement to make today.  And you're going to make that a little later on in the program?

JEFFY:  I do have an announcement to make.  And I'm excited for it.

STU:  A major announcement, would you say?

JEFFY:  Yes, it's a major announcement.  For this program, it's a major announcement.

GLENN:  So he'll be doing that coming up in a little while.

JEFFY:  I don't even want to tell you what it is yet.  You'll be excited.

GLENN:  Let me go to Matt in Nevada.  Hello, Matt, you're on the Glenn Beck Program.

CALLER:  Good morning, gentlemen.  Glenn, it's an honor.  Thank you for taking my call.  

GLENN:  Thank you. 

CALLER:  There was a time where you saved my life, man.  But I know time is limited.  I'll get right to it.

GLENN:  Well, now, you can't say that.  You saved my life.  I don't remember pulling you out of a burning truck.  What happened?

CALLER:  Pretty much, man.  In a spiritual sense, man.  You just could never know what you've done to change my life, man.  And I could never repay that.  And thank you enough.  And thank you.

GLENN:  You can start with a 100-dollar check.

(laughter)

CALLER:  So the reason why I'm calling this morning is because my wife and I, we're pretty Libertarian.  We've been involved on the ground game here in Nevada.  The last two elections, we were big Ron Paul people.  This time around, Rand cast his hat in the game, so we got involved to try and help Rand.  Now, from the beginning, there were really two candidates that I saw as constitutional, that I really believed I could get behind and support.  And obviously that's Rand, but also Ted Cruz.  Ted Cruz -- you've shown his record -- is just so solid on the Constitution.  

So when Rand announced that he was suspending his campaign, my wife and I -- and we were torn the whole way.  We weren't sure, you know, if we were going to go all-in on Rand.  But we knew when he suspended his campaign, that we were going to go for Cruz.  

So last night, we both got this random text message from an individual, claiming to be a part of the Rand Paul campaign, saying that Rand's name is still on the ballot for the caucus that we're going to have here in Nevada on the 23rd.  And this person was saying that, you know, Rand could still win.  And that they have us down as supporting Dr. Paul and we need to come and show up for him.

GLENN:  Don't do it.

CALLER:  So I responded to this person and said, "Hey, that's great.  But Rand is out of the game.  He doesn't have a chance at doing it anymore.  And with cults of personality like Donald Trump, I can't see voting for anybody at this point besides Ted Cruz."  And I won't tell you what this person texted me next.  But needless to say, my wife and I got pretty nasty text messages from this person.

GLENN:  I would like you to read it.  

STU:  Well...

GLENN:  Just delete the foul words.

CALLER:  Well, let me see -- she got it worse than I did.  But basically this person tried to disparage Ted.  Says, "If you and everyone else that supported him before was supposed to show up, then he can win Nevada.  If you need a paid campaign to sabotage him, then don't vote for him.  And don't vote on principle."  

I had to edit that up a little bit.  Basically, this person is saying I'm not principled.  Now, I beg to differ on that.  For example -- Pat is probably going to be mad at me on this one.  Sorry, brother.  

But in 2012, we were so dedicated on principle that we just could not pull the lever for Romney.  We actually voted third party for Gary Johnson.

GLENN:  Good for you.

CALLER:  And I did not want to see another four years of Obama, but I had to vote for principles.

GLENN:  Good for you.  I will say this, I'm trying to be that man.  Pat has already bailed on that man.

PAT:  No, I haven't.

GLENN:  Yes, you have.  You've already said you would vote for anybody.  You'd vote for anybody.

PAT:  I did not say I would vote for anybody.  When did I say that?

GLENN:  Well, okay -- oh, my God.

PAT:  Oh, you pull the tape, my friend.  You pull the sound.  I did not say, "I'll vote for anybody!"

GLENN:  Last week --

PAT:  What?

GLENN:  You didn't say anybody.  But you were like --

PAT:  What did I say?

GLENN:  You'd vote for Jeb.  You'd vote for any of the guys on our side.

PAT:  Over Hillary or Bernie?

GLENN:  Over Hillary and Bernie.  You will not pull third party.  I think you said you'd vote for Trump over Hillary --

PAT:  I think I felt that way, that one day.

GLENN:  Oh.  Okay.  All right.  

(laughter)

PAT:  I would not vote for Trump under any circumstances.

GLENN:  Okay.  I want that on tape.  Shh.

PAT:  I will not vote for Donald Trump under any circumstances.  

GLENN:  Okay.  All right.  

So, anyway, Matt, good for you.  We're trying to be that man of principle now.  

PAT:  Yeah.  

GLENN:  Anyway, go ahead.

CALLER:  Well, I'm going to pull the lever for Ted.  I don't see what pulling the lever for Rand would do at this point.  He's got a really tough --

PAT:  He left the race.  It would be a waste.  Is that even from his official people?  I doubt what you got was even from Rand's people because Rand is not running anymore.  Is he?

GLENN:  No.

CALLER:  Well, the response we gave to them was, if you're trying to convince me -- I mean, this person was very rude.  And I was like, "If you're trying to convince me, you're not doing a good job."  Like, I asked some questions.  What would be the point?  I mean, Rand does have a very strong ground game in Nevada.  A lot of it was built by his father.  So he had a lot of the same supporters come out.  I mean, we've been involved here on the ground.  We have a lot of great friends.  But, you know, I -- I think, Glenn, you've touched on this a few times.  This election is too important to throw away your vote.  I mean, we have a guy who is constitutional.  We have a guy that is rock solid on the Constitution.

GLENN:  So here's the reason that Rand would say this to you.  The reason why the Rand people would say this to you is because there is something about having delegates, that you can come to the convention and broker those delegates and get something that you want from one of the candidates.  You come up and you say, "Okay.  I've got X-number of delegates from Nevada.  Who is the highest bidder here?  Which of the candidates --

CALLER:  I'm not sure if you know or not, but they actually changed that rule at the convention in 2012.  And it was because Ron Paul, his strategy was to try and scoop up as many delegates as he could.  And there's actually a really scandalous video clip -- you can find it on YouTube -- where John Boehner comes out, and they passed it.  The yays and the nays, and it sounded pretty sketchy, man.  It sounded like the nays had it, but he still passed it anyway.  

GLENN:  I remember that.

CALLER:  And you can see cell phone footage of him reading from the prompter.

GLENN:  Remember that?

PAT:  Yeah.

GLENN:  I remember that now.  So there's no reason that I can come up with.

PAT:  There is none.

GLENN:  The only thing I can say -- I talk to both Rand -- I consider both of them friends.  I talked to both Rand and Ted, before, during, and after this race.  And as God is my witness, and the three of you guys know this too, that all the -- at the very beginning, I sat down with both of them, and I said, "Please, guys.  You're both constitutionalist.  Please don't kill each other."

CALLER:  Right.

GLENN:  Aim your guns at other people, but we need one of you guys to win.  And I don't know why -- I really don't know why -- and I can give you my guess, I think that Rand kind of feels like it was his turn and he was going to be the constitutionalist and he's kind of pissed at -- at Cruz because he feels like Ted kind of came out of nowhere and elbowed his way in when he had the real chance of winning.

CALLER:  Yep.

GLENN:  And that's just my feeling.

CALLER:  Oh, I think you're absolutely right.  And I have to give Ted credit because, you know, I watched the debates, and I can't tell you how bad my skin was crawling when I saw Rand going after him.  And the thing that impressed me most was Ted didn't fire back.  He -- he never once --

PAT:  He usually doesn't.

CALLER:  I haven't heard Ted say one thing negative about Rand Paul.  And I wish that Rand hadn't have done that.  I really hope that people who are in the Rand Paul camp like I have been -- I mean, we are ardent Libertarians.  Ron Paul supporters.  Rand Paul supporters.  But if you can't see the value of Ted Cruz at this point, I don't know what -- what you want because, I mean, Ted is it, man.  He's the guy.  And, you know, and we need Rand to keep his Senate seat.

GLENN:  If the roles were reversed, I would be saying the same thing that I'm saying about Ted Cruz that I'm saying about Rand Paul.

CALLER:  I know you would, Glenn.

GLENN:  I would be taking the same exact stance.  We have to restore the Constitution.  I mean this sincerely.  This is our last chance.  If we play party politics, if we play, gee, who can win?  Who can't win?  We play those games and we lose, we get either, I don't know, Kasich or a Jeb Bush or, God forbid, a Donald Trump.

CALLER:  Oh, good grief.

GLENN:  We're toast.  We're toast.

CALLER:  Yeah.

GLENN:  And if we can't band together on -- both those guys were great on the Constitution.  Both of them.  One of them is leading the pack.  It's time for everybody -- and this means not just Ron Paul people, but I think this means Carson people.  It is time to wake up and realize the sorry state of the situation and realize there is one guy that will stand for religious freedom, one guy who will stand for freedom of speech, one guy that will reduce the size of government in a dramatic way, one guy who will stop Common Core in its tracks, one guy who will stop the IRS in its tracks, one guy who will restore the Constitution.  The other guys don't have a chance of winning now.  This guy does.  And if we don't pull together, you're going have somebody slip right between and win and take it, and then we'll lose the republic.  This is the moment the republic decides whether they're going to -- whether they're going to live or die.  

This is the moment that Franklin talked about.  When he was walking down the street, "Mr. Franklin, what did you give us?"  

"A republic, if you can keep it."

This is the moment we decide if we can keep it.  And playing those games are infantile and futile.  

So thank you very much, Matt.  I appreciate it.  

By the way, I'm going to be in Nevada.  I'm going to be in South Carolina Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, Monday.  And hope to see you there.  Just check my Facebook page or GlennBeck.com.  You can find out where.  

Let me go to Scott in Utah quickly.  Hello, Scott, you're on the Glenn Beck Program.

CALLER:  Well, unfortunately what I have to say is not quick.  But I do agree 100 percent with what you're saying.  If Rand Paul can't get behind Ted Cruz and allow Donald Trump to continue this march, (?) because Rand Paul's people could help, I lose a lot of respect for him, Glenn.  I don't care if he's your friend or not.  It's time to coalesce behind Ted Cruz.

GLENN:  I agree.

CALLER:  The reason why Donald Trump is where he is, it's very simple.  People don't think anymore for themselves.  People don't have time to watch all the debates.  So they watch the Fox News coverage after the debates.  I'm talking Republicans.  I'm talking smart people.  I'm talking passionate people.  And they parrot everything they hear on Fox News the next day.  It used to be (?) because he was at 5 percent in August.  Now since Thanksgiving in December or Christmas, it's Ted Cruz can't win because he's not likable.  I don't think he can pull the party together.  It's what they're hearing on Fox News negatively about Ted Cruz.  And now Fox News doesn't even criticize Donald Trump anymore.  You've got six hours of talk radio, between you and Mark Levin every day, that is a pom-pom waving (?) of Donald Trump.  And what is this Marco Rubio electability thing that Hannity says over and over -- when did we start doing that?  I think Marco -- what about electability?  I never thought Hannity would ever say that.  Rush's old line was conservatism wins every time it's tried.

GLENN:  Where are they?

CALLER:  Rush loves Ted Cruz.  (?) for some reason, they've allowed this Donald Trump train to run off the rails.  There is absolutely -- I would like all of these guys to say, if Ted Cruz is not your number one guy, Rush, Sean, conservatives on Fox News, why not is this give me the one reason you don't like Ted Cruz?  (?) or they do like him.  What's the one reason why you would rather have Donald than Ted?  Because I don't get it.  And it's driving me crazy.

PAT:  They'll all tell you they're not for Donald Trump.  They will all tell you --

GLENN:  They'll all tell you.  They are friends.  They go golfing with him.  (?) they're not for him.  They're just telling it like it is.  But I'm telling you --

CALLER:  Yeah, but you understand, the people that listen to them are the majority of Republican voters unfortunately.  They're my friends.  They're my friends from all over the country.  And they don't pay a whole lot of attention.  But when they hear Rush defending Donald Trump day in -- I mean, this is eight months, guys.  This is not a -- all day, every day for eight months.

GLENN:  I'm going to make a pretty bold statement.  And I'll back it up from something I have in from the media here in a minute.  (?) if Donald Trump wins the nomination of the party, it will be in large thanks to Fox News, Rush Limbaugh, and Sean Hannity.  Because you're exactly right.  And I'm going to back this up (?) with something I found in a media website today coming up in just a minute.

Featured Image: Republican presidential candidate Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) talks with reporters on his charter flight from Manchester-Boston Regional Airport February 10, 2016 en route to Spartanburg, South Carolina. Rubio placed fifth in the New Hampshire primary, behind fellow GOP candidates Jeb Bush, John Kasich, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Donald Trump, who swept away the competition with 35-percent of the vote. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

The melting pot fails when we stop agreeing to melt

Spencer Platt / Staff | Getty Images

Texas now hosts Quran-first academies, Sharia-compliant housing schemes, and rapidly multiplying mosques — all part of a movement building a self-contained society apart from the country around it.

It is time to talk honestly about what is happening inside America’s rapidly growing Muslim communities. In city after city, large pockets of newcomers are choosing to build insulated enclaves rather than enter the broader American culture.

That trend is accelerating, and the longer we ignore it, the harder it becomes to address.

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world.

America has always welcomed people of every faith and people from every corner of the world, but the deal has never changed: You come here and you join the American family. You are free to honor your traditions, keep your faith, but you must embrace the Constitution as the supreme law of the land. You melt into the shared culture that allows all of us to live side by side.

Across the country, this bargain is being rejected by Islamist communities that insist on building a parallel society with its own rules, its own boundaries, and its own vision for how life should be lived.

Texas illustrates the trend. The state now has roughly 330 mosques. At least 48 of them were built in just the last 24 months. The Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex alone has around 200 Islamic centers. Houston has another hundred or so. Many of these communities have no interest in blending into American life.

This is not the same as past waves of immigration. Irish, Italian, Korean, Mexican, and every other group arrived with pride in their heritage. Still, they also raised American flags and wanted their children to be part of the country’s future. They became doctors, small-business owners, teachers, and soldiers. They wanted to be Americans.

What we are watching now is not the melting pot. It is isolation by design.

Parallel societies do not end well

More than 300 fundamentalist Islamic schools now operate full-time across the country. Many use Quran-first curricula that require students to spend hours memorizing religious texts before they ever reach math or science. In Dallas, Brighter Horizons Academy enrolls more than 1,700 students and draws federal support while operating on a social model that keeps children culturally isolated.

Then there is the Epic City project in Collin and Hunt counties — 402 acres originally designated only for Muslim buyers, with Sharia-compliant financing and a mega-mosque at the center. After public outcry and state investigations, the developers renamed it “The Meadows,” but a new sign does not erase the original intent. It is not a neighborhood. It is a parallel society.

Americans should not hesitate to say that parallel societies are dangerous. Europe tried this experiment, and the results could not be clearer. In Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, entire neighborhoods now operate under their own cultural rules, some openly hostile to Western norms. When citizens speak up, they are branded bigots for asserting a basic right: the ability to live safely in their own communities.

A crisis of confidence

While this separation widens, another crisis is unfolding at home. A recent Gallup survey shows that about 40% of American women ages 18 to 39 would leave the country permanently if given the chance. Nearly half of a rising generation — daughters, sisters, soon-to-be mothers — no longer believe this nation is worth building a future in.

And who shapes the worldview of young boys? Their mothers. If a mother no longer believes America is home, why would her child grow up ready to defend it?

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world. If we lose confidence in our own national identity at the same time that we allow separatist enclaves to spread unchecked, the outcome is predictable. Europe is already showing us what comes next: cultural fracture, political radicalization, and the slow death of national unity.

Brandon Bell / Staff | Getty Images

Stand up and tell the truth

America welcomes Muslims. America defends their right to worship freely. A Muslim who loves the Constitution, respects the rule of law, and wants to raise a family in peace is more than welcome in America.

But an Islamist movement that rejects assimilation, builds enclaves governed by its own religious framework, and treats American law as optional is not simply another participant in our melting pot. It is a direct challenge to it. If we refuse to call this problem out out of fear of being called names, we will bear the consequences.

Europe is already feeling those consequences — rising conflict and a political class too paralyzed to admit the obvious. When people feel their culture, safety, and freedoms slipping away, they will follow anyone who promises to defend them. History has shown that over and over again.

Stand up. Speak plainly. Be unafraid. You can practice any faith in this country, but the supremacy of the Constitution and the Judeo-Christian moral framework that shaped it is non-negotiable. It is what guarantees your freedom in the first place.

If you come here and honor that foundation, welcome. If you come here to undermine it, you do not belong here.

Wake up to what is unfolding before the consequences arrive. Because when a nation refuses to say what is true, the truth eventually forces its way in — and by then, it is always too late.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Shocking: AI-written country song tops charts, sparks soul debate

VCG / Contributor | Getty Images

A machine can imitate heartbreak well enough to top the charts, but it cannot carry grief, choose courage, or hear the whisper that calls human beings to something higher.

The No. 1 country song in America right now was not written in Nashville or Texas or even L.A. It came from code. “Walk My Walk,” the AI-generated single by the AI artist Breaking Rust, hit the top spot on Billboard’s Country Digital Song Sales chart, and if you listen to it without knowing that fact, you would swear a real singer lived the pain he is describing.

Except there is no “he.” There is no lived experience. There is no soul behind the voice dominating the country music charts.

If a machine can imitate the soul, then what is the soul?

I will admit it: I enjoy some AI music. Some of it is very good. And that leaves us with a question that is no longer science fiction. If a machine can fake being human this well, what does it mean to be human?

A new world of artificial experience

This is not just about one song. We are walking straight into a technological moment that will reshape everyday life.

Elon Musk said recently that we may not even have phones in five years. Instead, we will carry a small device that listens, anticipates, and creates — a personal AI agent that knows what we want to hear before we ask. It will make the music, the news, the podcasts, the stories. We already live in digital bubbles. Soon, those bubbles might become our own private worlds.

If an algorithm can write a hit country song about hardship and perseverance without a shred of actual experience, then the deeper question becomes unavoidable: If a machine can imitate the soul, then what is the soul?

What machines can never do

A machine can produce, and soon it may produce better than we can. It can calculate faster than any human mind. It can rearrange the notes and words of a thousand human songs into something that sounds real enough to fool millions.

But it cannot care. It cannot love. It cannot choose right and wrong. It cannot forgive because it cannot be hurt. It cannot stand between a child and danger. It cannot walk through sorrow.

A machine can imitate the sound of suffering. It cannot suffer.

The difference is the soul. The divine spark. The thing God breathed into man that no code will ever have. Only humans can take pain and let it grow into compassion. Only humans can take fear and turn it into courage. Only humans can rebuild their lives after losing everything. Only humans hear the whisper inside, the divine voice that says, “Live for something greater.”

We are building artificial minds. We are not building artificial life.

Questions that define us

And as these artificial minds grow sharper, as their tools become more convincing, the right response is not panic. It is to ask the oldest and most important questions.

Who am I? Why am I here? What is the meaning of freedom? What is worth defending? What is worth sacrificing for?

That answer is not found in a lab or a server rack. It is found in that mysterious place inside each of us where reason meets faith, where suffering becomes wisdom, where God reminds us we are more than flesh and more than thought. We are not accidents. We are not circuits. We are not replaceable.

Europa Press News / Contributor | Getty Images

The miracle machines can never copy

Being human is not about what we can produce. Machines will outproduce us. That is not the question. Being human is about what we can choose. We can choose to love even when it costs us something. We can choose to sacrifice when it is not easy. We can choose to tell the truth when the world rewards lies. We can choose to stand when everyone else bows. We can create because something inside us will not rest until we do.

An AI content generator can borrow our melodies, echo our stories, and dress itself up like a human soul, but it cannot carry grief across a lifetime. It cannot forgive an enemy. It cannot experience wonder. It cannot look at a broken world and say, “I am going to build again.”

The age of machines is rising. And if we do not know who we are, we will shrink. But if we use this moment to remember what makes us human, it will help us to become better, because the one thing no algorithm will ever recreate is the miracle that we exist at all — the miracle of the human soul.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Shocking shift: America’s youth lured by the “Socialism trap”

Jeremy Weine / Stringer | Getty Images

A generation that’s lost faith in capitalism is turning to the oldest lie on earth: equality through control.

Something is breaking in America’s young people. You can feel it in every headline, every grocery bill, every young voice quietly asking if the American dream still means anything at all.

For many, the promise of America — work hard, build something that lasts, and give the next generation a better start — feels like it no longer exists. Home ownership and stability have become luxuries for a fortunate few.

Capitalism is not a perfect system. It is flawed because people are flawed, but it remains the only system that rewards creativity and effort rather than punishing them.

In that vacuum of hope, a new promise has begun to rise — one that sounds compassionate, equal, and fair. The promise of socialism.

The appeal of a broken dream

When the American dream becomes a checklist of things few can afford — a home, a car, two children, even a little peace — disappointment quickly turns to resentment. The average first-time homebuyer is now 40 years old. Debt lasts longer than marriages. The cost of living rises faster than opportunity.

For a generation that has never seen the system truly work, capitalism feels like a rigged game built to protect those already at the top.

That is where socialism finds its audience. It presents itself as fairness for the forgotten and justice for the disillusioned. It speaks softly at first, offering equality, compassion, and control disguised as care.

We are seeing that illusion play out now in New York City, where Zohran Mamdani — an open socialist — has won a major political victory. The same ideology that once hid behind euphemisms now campaigns openly throughout America’s once-great cities. And for many who feel left behind, it sounds like salvation.

But what socialism calls fairness is submission dressed as virtue. What it calls order is obedience. Once the system begins to replace personal responsibility with collective dependence, the erosion of liberty is only a matter of time.

The bridge that never ends

Socialism is not a destination; it is a bridge. Karl Marx described it as the necessary transition to communism — the scaffolding that builds the total state. Under socialism, people are taught to obey. Under communism, they forget that any other options exist.

History tells the story clearly. Russia, China, Cambodia, Cuba — each promised equality and delivered misery. One hundred million lives were lost, not because socialism failed, but because it succeeded at what it was designed to do: make the state supreme and the individual expendable.

Today’s advocates insist their version will be different — democratic, modern, and kind. They often cite Sweden as an example, but Sweden’s prosperity was never born of socialism. It grew out of capitalism, self-reliance, and a shared moral culture. Now that system is cracking under the weight of bureaucracy and division.

ANGELA WEISS / Contributor | Getty Images

The real issue is not economic but moral. Socialism begins with a lie about human nature — that people exist for the collective and that the collective knows better than the individual.

This lie is contrary to the truths on which America was founded — that rights come not from government’s authority, but from God’s. Once government replaces that authority, compassion becomes control, and freedom becomes permission.

What young America deserves

Young Americans have many reasons to be frustrated. They were told to study, work hard, and follow the rules — and many did, only to find the goalposts moved again and again. But tearing down the entire house does not make it fairer; it only leaves everyone standing in the rubble.

Capitalism is not a perfect system. It is flawed because people are flawed, but it remains the only system that rewards creativity and effort rather than punishing them. The answer is not revolution but renewal — moral, cultural, and spiritual.

It means restoring honesty to markets, integrity to government, and faith to the heart of our nation. A people who forsake God will always turn to government for salvation, and that road always ends in dependency and decay.

Freedom demands something of us. It requires faith, discipline, and courage. It expects citizens to govern themselves before others govern them. That is the truth this generation deserves to hear again — that liberty is not a gift from the state but a calling from God.

Socialism always begins with promises and ends with permission. It tells you what to drive, what to say, what to believe, all in the name of fairness. But real fairness is not everyone sharing the same chains — it is everyone having the same chance.

The American dream was never about guarantees. It was about the right to try, to fail, and try again. That freedom built the most prosperous nation in history, and it can do so again if we remember that liberty is not a handout but a duty.

Socialism does not offer salvation. It requires subservience.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Rage isn’t conservatism — THIS is what true patriots stand for

Gary Hershorn / Contributor | Getty Images

Conservatism is not about rage or nostalgia. It’s about moral clarity, national renewal, and guarding the principles that built America’s freedom.

Our movement is at a crossroads, and the question before us is simple: What does it mean to be a conservative in America today?

For years, we have been told what we are against — against the left, against wokeism, against decline. But opposition alone does not define a movement, and it certainly does not define a moral vision.

We are not here to cling to the past or wallow in grievance. We are not the movement of rage. We are the movement of reason and hope.

The media, as usual, are eager to supply their own answer. The New York Times recently suggested that Nick Fuentes represents the “future” of conservatism. That’s nonsense — a distortion of both truth and tradition. Fuentes and those like him do not represent American conservatism. They represent its counterfeit.

Real conservatism is not rage. It is reverence. It does not treat the past as a museum, but as a teacher. America’s founders asked us to preserve their principles and improve upon their practice. That means understanding what we are conserving — a living covenant, not a relic.

Conservatism as stewardship

In 2025, conservatism means stewardship — of a nation, a culture, and a moral inheritance too precious to abandon. To conserve is not to freeze history. It is to stand guard over what is essential. We are custodians of an experiment in liberty that rests on the belief that rights come not from kings or Congress, but from the Creator.

That belief built this country. It will be what saves it. The Constitution is a covenant between generations. Conservatism is the duty to keep that covenant alive — to preserve what works, correct what fails, and pass on both wisdom and freedom to those who come next.

Economics, culture, and morality are inseparable. Debt is not only fiscal; it is moral. Spending what belongs to the unborn is theft. Dependence is not compassion; it is weakness parading as virtue. A society that trades responsibility for comfort teaches citizens how to live as slaves.

Freedom without virtue is not freedom; it is chaos. A culture that mocks faith cannot defend liberty, and a nation that rejects truth cannot sustain justice. Conservatism must again become the moral compass of a disoriented people, reminding America that liberty survives only when anchored to virtue.

Rebuilding what is broken

We cannot define ourselves by what we oppose. We must build families, communities, and institutions that endure. Government is broken because education is broken, and education is broken because we abandoned the formation of the mind and the soul. The work ahead is competence, not cynicism.

Conservatives should embrace innovation and technology while rejecting the chaos of Silicon Valley. Progress must not come at the expense of principle. Technology must strengthen people, not replace them. Artificial intelligence should remain a servant, never a master. The true strength of a nation is not measured by data or bureaucracy, but by the quiet webs of family, faith, and service that hold communities together. When Washington falters — and it will — those neighborhoods must stand.

Eric Lee / Stringer | Getty Images

This is the real work of conservatism: to conserve what is good and true and to reform what has decayed. It is not about slogans; it is about stewardship — the patient labor of building a civilization that remembers what it stands for.

A creed for the rising generation

We are not here to cling to the past or wallow in grievance. We are not the movement of rage. We are the movement of reason and hope.

For the rising generation, conservatism cannot be nostalgia. It must be more than a memory of 9/11 or admiration for a Reagan era they never lived through. Many young Americans did not experience those moments — and they should not have to in order to grasp the lessons they taught and the truths they embodied. The next chapter is not about preserving relics but renewing purpose. It must speak to conviction, not cynicism; to moral clarity, not despair.

Young people are searching for meaning in a culture that mocks truth and empties life of purpose. Conservatism should be the moral compass that reminds them freedom is responsibility and that faith, family, and moral courage remain the surest rebellions against hopelessness.

To be a conservative in 2025 is to defend the enduring principles of American liberty while stewarding the culture, the economy, and the spirit of a free people. It is to stand for truth when truth is unfashionable and to guard moral order when the world celebrates chaos.

We are not merely holding the torch. We are relighting it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.