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Glenn's Show Prep

Trump 'News Conference' a Spectacle Full of Lies

March 09, 2016
Lori Hanes

Writer

The crazy train was on full display during Trump's post-election "news conference" thingy-ma-jig. Has a presidential candidate ever held such a spectacle, parading his alleged business products before supporters, the media and the American people? What was that?

Anyone who's ever been to elementary school should recognize Trump's behavior for what it is: A very insecure man trying to prop up his success in response to criticism. Rather than letting the success of his various companies speak for itself, Trump brought out failed product after failed product like an insecure fifth grader.

"I watched all of it. I couldn't believe . . . the incredible lies that he told last night," Glenn said Wednesday on The Glenn Beck Program. "But he revealed something: Don't mess with my businesses."

In response to Mitt Romney's comments about Trump's failed business ventures, the self-proclaimed billionaire spent an excessive amount of energy planning his rebuttal during what should have been a short news conference about election results.

Trump brought out Trump Steaks, Trump Water, Trump Magazine and Trump Vodka --- all failed products no longer available for purchase.

"It's really crazy," Glenn said. "You're going to be president of the United States and you're lying about your fake meat products?"

Tonight on TheBlaze TV, Glenn will air "Clock of Lies," counting down the lies told at Trump's event last night, with the evidence to prove it. Clock of Lies will air at 5:00 PM ET.

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN: Did you see the crazy town train that Donald Trump was on last night?

STU: For an hour?

PAT: Oh, yeah.

GLENN: It was crazy. Did you actually watch it?

STU: Parts of it. Not all of it.

GLENN: Okay. I watched all of it. I couldn't believe -- we're doing a show on just the Clock of Lies tonight. We're just looking at that hour, and we're just counting the lies and showing you the evidence that it is a lie. The incredible lies that he told last night. But he revealed something: Don't mess with my businesses. He brought out Trump steaks and Trump water and a Trump magazine, all this stuff --

PAT: That all failed.

STU: Not real.

GLENN: No, but here's what he said. Trump water. He cut these lines really, really close. Trump water. I still have Trump water. You know, I use it for all my hotels. No, that's not the same as Trump water.

PAT: No.

GLENN: You had Trump ice, and it was in stores.

PAT: Yes.

GLENN: There's a difference between relabeling water and putting it in your hotels.

PAT: That is really pathetic.

GLENN: Oh, yeah. And then when he said the magazine -- my magazine is still out. In fact, I just read it. My hotel still has the magazine. It's called Luxurious Destination or something. No, that wasn't Trump magazine. He's lying.

STU: He's lying. Trump steaks is the worst one though. It went out of business a long time ago. It's a meat company. The meat doesn't hang around for eight years. It would go bad, right? So he comes out and he says, "Here are Trump steaks. Look, they're in business." And a couple of reporters went up and took pictures. They didn't even bother to fully cut off the labels of the other brand the steaks were, which was a place called Bush Brothers in West Palm Beach. You could still the --

GLENN: You've got to be kidding.

PAT: Good golly.

STU: That they just took another steak and put it on a table and didn't even fully cut off the other label. They just don't care.

(laughter)

PAT: That's unbelievable.

STU: And this morning, still with that happening, and it being reported in multiple sources, multiple people saw it, this morning, still people are on, "And Donald Trump had Trump steaks" Wow, he had Trump steaks. I'd like to try one of those Trump steaks.

They don't exist. There are no Trump steaks. He has a restaurant at his hotel in which he's named one of his products Trump steaks. But Trump steaks was a company. He trotted out somebody else's steaks. Lied to his followers. Lied to all of the Trump bots. They still praise him for it.

PAT: And the Trump University thing, you're going to bring that back. You don't know that you're going to bring that back.

GLENN: The judge has said this is Bernie Madoff.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: I mean, I watched this last night with my family. We were watching him. And we were just sitting there saying, "What the hell?" America is doomed. If we are this stupid, we're -- it's suicide.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: We are voting for our own destruction. And this is why, you know, Marco Rubio has the little Marco thing. He's been offended, I'm sure. He's put everything into this campaign. But I think beyond being offend because I don't think Marco Rubio is that guy. I think Marco Rubio is a decent guy. I think he's got the wrong advisers. He's got the brokered convention people whispering in his ear. We don't want a brokered convention. That is a really bad idea. It's a really bad idea. And if they all stay in, that's exactly where we're headed. Then you have no choice. Then you have absolutely no choice.

PAT: And it's not going to be him. If you get to a brokered convention, it's not going to be any of these guys. They're probably going to find an alternative.

GLENN: I think it's going to be Kasich. Think of this. Think of this. Out of all the people we had last time, who did we get?

PAT: Romney.

GLENN: Out of all the people we had in '08, who did we get?

PAT: McCain.

GLENN: Out of all the people we've had this time, who do you think we're going to get? Kasich.

STU: The worst guy.

GLENN: These guys are going to orchestrate anything. But anybody who challenges their power. And what kills me, Trump is not a challenge to their power. All you have to do is play ball with him. You think he's really going to change things and go for a smaller government. Have you ever heard him talk about smaller government?

PAT: No.

JEFFY: No.

GLENN: Never. He's not going to go for a smaller government. He will increase the government, guarantee. He will increase the size of government.

JEFFY: It will benefit him.

STU: Absolutely no question about it.

GLENN: Yes. No question.

STU: Never has he shown that to be a priority in any way, which is the problem we have with him. Yeah, he says annoying things and he lies all the time. Those are all serious problems I have with Donald Trump. But the one that started the whole ball rolling down the hill is the fact that he's not a freaking conservative and doesn't care about smaller government or the Constitution. Those things are the biggest issues that immediately qualifies you from a Republican primary. Add on all this other stuff where he's going to lose the general election and he is, you know -- he says he has the best words. And he lies about his fake meat products.

(laughter)

STU: I mean, that's all --

GLENN: It's really crazy.

STU: That's all just icing on the cake.

GLENN: It's really crazy. You're going to be president of the United States and you're lying about your fake meat products. It's crazy.

STU: So weird.

GLENN: Just weird. Just weird.

(OUT AT 8:28AM)

GLENN: This is unbelievable. Just looking at the lies -- we're getting ready for the TV show tonight because there was an hour of unbelievable lies that are all verifiable. For instance, in almost all the polls, I beat Hillary Clinton. No, sir.

PAT: No.

GLENN: In almost every poll, you lose to Hillary Clinton. Everybody else beats Hillary Clinton.

But last night, he talked about Trump magazine. And he said, "You know, Romney said I have a failing Trump magazine. I still have a magazine. I thought I read one just two days ago." And he holds it up. And it's called the Jewel of Palm Beach. That's not Trump magazine. Trump magazine folded in 2009. So what is the Jewel of Palm Beach? This is a -- basically a glorified -- a glorified brochure of Mar-a-Lago Club and Trump International Golf Club in the Palm Beaches. And its' not a magazine. It's a brochure. It looks like a magazine. But it's basically a brochure. It's published once a year.

STU: And not for sale. It's just --

GLENN: It's just in your room. It's when you go -- Hilton has those little Hilton San Antonio, you know, magazines. That's what that is.

STU: More lies just constant lies.

GLENN: Just more constant lies. And people still say, "He tells it like it is."

STU: No, he does not.

GLENN: No, he doesn't. Never. Never tells it like it is. What are you teaching this guy? Back in a minute.

Featured Image: A security agent stands near a display of products that Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has for guests, including meat, wine and water before a press conference at the Trump National Golf Club Jupiter on March 8, 2016 in Jupiter, Florida. Mr. Trump and other Republican candidates wait for votes to be counted in Michigan, Mississippi, Idaho, and Hawaii. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

The truth behind ‘defense’: How America was rebranded for war

PAUL J. RICHARDS / Staff | Getty Images

Donald Trump emphasizes peace through strength, reminding the world that the United States is willing to fight to win. That’s beyond ‘defense.’

President Donald Trump made headlines this week by signaling a rebrand of the Defense Department — restoring its original name, the Department of War.

At first, I was skeptical. “Defense” suggests restraint, a principle I consider vital to U.S. foreign policy. “War” suggests aggression. But for the first 158 years of the republic, that was the honest name: the Department of War.

A Department of War recognizes the truth: The military exists to fight and, if necessary, to win decisively.

The founders never intended a permanent standing army. When conflict came — the Revolution, the War of 1812, the trenches of France, the beaches of Normandy — the nation called men to arms, fought, and then sent them home. Each campaign was temporary, targeted, and necessary.

From ‘war’ to ‘military-industrial complex’

Everything changed in 1947. President Harry Truman — facing the new reality of nuclear weapons, global tension, and two world wars within 20 years — established a full-time military and rebranded the Department of War as the Department of Defense. Americans resisted; we had never wanted a permanent army. But Truman convinced the country it was necessary.

Was the name change an early form of political correctness? A way to soften America’s image as a global aggressor? Or was it simply practical? Regardless, the move created a permanent, professional military. But it also set the stage for something Truman’s successor, President Dwight “Ike” Eisenhower, famously warned about: the military-industrial complex.

Ike, the five-star general who commanded Allied forces in World War II and stormed Normandy, delivered a harrowing warning during his farewell address: The military-industrial complex would grow powerful. Left unchecked, it could influence policy and push the nation toward unnecessary wars.

And that’s exactly what happened. The Department of Defense, with its full-time and permanent army, began spending like there was no tomorrow. Weapons were developed, deployed, and sometimes used simply to justify their existence.

Peace through strength

When Donald Trump said this week, “I don’t want to be defense only. We want defense, but we want offense too,” some people freaked out. They called him a warmonger. He isn’t. Trump is channeling a principle older than him: peace through strength. Ronald Reagan preached it; Trump is taking it a step further.

Just this week, Trump also suggested limiting nuclear missiles — hardly the considerations of a warmonger — echoing Reagan, who wanted to remove missiles from silos while keeping them deployable on planes.

The seemingly contradictory move of Trump calling for a Department of War sends a clear message: He wants Americans to recognize that our military exists not just for defense, but to project power when necessary.

Trump has pointed to something critically important: The best way to prevent war is to have a leader who knows exactly who he is and what he will do. Trump signals strength, deterrence, and resolve. You want to negotiate? Great. You don’t? Then we’ll finish the fight decisively.

That’s why the world listens to us. That’s why nations come to the table — not because Trump is reckless, but because he means what he says and says what he means. Peace under weakness invites aggression. Peace under strength commands respect.

Trump is the most anti-war president we’ve had since Jimmy Carter. But unlike Carter, Trump isn’t weak. Carter’s indecision emboldened enemies and made the world less safe. Trump’s strength makes the country stronger. He believes in peace as much as any president. But he knows peace requires readiness for war.

Names matter

When we think of “defense,” we imagine cybersecurity, spy programs, and missile shields. But when we think of “war,” we recall its harsh reality: death, destruction, and national survival. Trump is reminding us what the Department of Defense is really for: war. Not nation-building, not diplomacy disguised as military action, not endless training missions. War — full stop.

Chip Somodevilla / Staff | Getty Images

Names matter. Words matter. They shape identity and character. A Department of Defense implies passivity, a posture of reaction. A Department of War recognizes the truth: The military exists to fight and, if necessary, to win decisively.

So yes, I’ve changed my mind. I’m for the rebranding to the Department of War. It shows strength to the world. It reminds Americans, internally and externally, of the reality we face. The Department of Defense can no longer be a euphemism. Our military exists for war — not without deterrence, but not without strength either. And we need to stop deluding ourselves.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Unveiling the Deep State: From surveillance to censorship

Chip Somodevilla / Staff | Getty Images

From surveillance abuse to censorship, the deep state used state power and private institutions to suppress dissent and influence two US elections.

The term “deep state” has long been dismissed as the province of cranks and conspiracists. But the recent declassification of two critical documents — the Durham annex, released by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), and a report publicized by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard — has rendered further denial untenable.

These documents lay bare the structure and function of a bureaucratic, semi-autonomous network of agencies, contractors, nonprofits, and media entities that together constitute a parallel government operating alongside — and at times in opposition to — the duly elected one.

The ‘deep state’ is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment.

The disclosures do not merely recount past abuses; they offer a schematic of how modern influence operations are conceived, coordinated, and deployed across domestic and international domains.

What they reveal is not a rogue element operating in secret, but a systematized apparatus capable of shaping elections, suppressing dissent, and laundering narratives through a transnational network of intelligence, academia, media, and philanthropic institutions.

Narrative engineering from the top

According to Gabbard’s report, a pivotal moment occurred on December 9, 2016, when the Obama White House convened its national security leadership in the Situation Room. Attendees included CIA Director John Brennan, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, National Security Agency Director Michael Rogers, FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, Attorney General Loretta Lynch, Secretary of State John Kerry, and others.

During this meeting, the consensus view up to that point — that Russia had not manipulated the election outcome — was subordinated to new instructions.

The record states plainly: The intelligence community was directed to prepare an assessment “per the President’s request” that would frame Russia as the aggressor and then-presidential candidate Donald Trump as its preferred candidate. Notably absent was any claim that new intelligence had emerged. The motivation was political, not evidentiary.

This maneuver became the foundation for the now-discredited 2017 intelligence community assessment on Russian election interference. From that point on, U.S. intelligence agencies became not neutral evaluators of fact but active participants in constructing a public narrative designed to delegitimize the incoming administration.

Institutional and media coordination

The ODNI report and the Durham annex jointly describe a feedback loop in which intelligence is laundered through think tanks and nongovernmental organizations, then cited by media outlets as “independent verification.” At the center of this loop are agencies like the CIA, FBI, and ODNI; law firms such as Perkins Coie; and NGOs such as the Open Society Foundations.

According to the Durham annex, think tanks including the Atlantic Council, the Carnegie Endowment, and the Center for a New American Security were allegedly informed of Clinton’s 2016 plan to link Trump to Russia. These institutions, operating under the veneer of academic independence, helped diffuse the narrative into public discourse.

Media coordination was not incidental. On the very day of the aforementioned White House meeting, the Washington Post published a front-page article headlined “Obama Orders Review of Russian Hacking During Presidential Campaign” — a story that mirrored the internal shift in official narrative. The article marked the beginning of a coordinated media campaign that would amplify the Trump-Russia collusion narrative throughout the transition period.

Surveillance and suppression

Surveillance, once limited to foreign intelligence operations, was turned inward through the abuse of FISA warrants. The Steele dossier — funded by the Clinton campaign via Perkins Coie and Fusion GPS — served as the basis for wiretaps on Trump affiliates, despite being unverified and partially discredited. The FBI even altered emails to facilitate the warrants.

ROBYN BECK / Contributor | Getty Images

This capacity for internal subversion reappeared in 2020, when 51 former intelligence officials signed a letter labeling the Hunter Biden laptop story as “Russian disinformation.” According to polling, 79% of Americans believed truthful coverage of the laptop could have altered the election. The suppression of that story — now confirmed as authentic — was election interference, pure and simple.

A machine, not a ‘conspiracy theory’

The deep state is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment and strategic goals.

Each node — law firms, think tanks, newsrooms, federal agencies — operates with plausible deniability. But taken together, they form a matrix of influence capable of undermining electoral legitimacy and redirecting national policy without democratic input.

The ODNI report and the Durham annex mark the first crack in the firewall shielding this machine. They expose more than a political scandal buried in the past. They lay bare a living system of elite coordination — one that demands exposure, confrontation, and ultimately dismantling.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Trump's proposal explained: Ukraine's path to peace without NATO expansion

ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / Contributor | Getty Images

Strategic compromise, not absolute victory, often ensures lasting stability.

When has any country been asked to give up land it won in a war? Even if a nation is at fault, the punishment must be measured.

After World War I, Germany, the main aggressor, faced harsh penalties under the Treaty of Versailles. Germans resented the restrictions, and that resentment fueled the rise of Adolf Hitler, ultimately leading to World War II. History teaches that justice for transgressions must avoid creating conditions for future conflict.

Ukraine and Russia must choose to either continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

Russia and Ukraine now stand at a similar crossroads. They can cling to disputed land and prolong a devastating war, or they can make concessions that might secure a lasting peace. The stakes could not be higher: Tens of thousands die each month, and the choice between endless bloodshed and negotiated stability hinges on each side’s willingness to yield.

History offers a guide. In 1967, Israel faced annihilation. Surrounded by hostile armies, the nation fought back and seized large swaths of territory from Jordan, Egypt, and Syria. Yet Israel did not seek an empire. It held only the buffer zones needed for survival and returned most of the land. Security and peace, not conquest, drove its decisions.

Peace requires concessions

Secretary of State Marco Rubio says both Russia and Ukraine will need to “get something” from a peace deal. He’s right. Israel proved that survival outweighs pride. By giving up land in exchange for recognition and an end to hostilities, it stopped the cycle of war. Egypt and Israel have not fought in more than 50 years.

Russia and Ukraine now press opposing security demands. Moscow wants a buffer to block NATO. Kyiv, scarred by invasion, seeks NATO membership — a pledge that any attack would trigger collective defense by the United States and Europe.

President Donald Trump and his allies have floated a middle path: an Article 5-style guarantee without full NATO membership. Article 5, the core of NATO’s charter, declares that an attack on one is an attack on all. For Ukraine, such a pledge would act as a powerful deterrent. For Russia, it might be more palatable than NATO expansion to its border

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

Peace requires concessions. The human cost is staggering: U.S. estimates indicate 20,000 Russian soldiers died in a single month — nearly half the total U.S. casualties in Vietnam — and the toll on Ukrainians is also severe. To stop this bloodshed, both sides need to recognize reality on the ground, make difficult choices, and anchor negotiations in security and peace rather than pride.

Peace or bloodshed?

Both Russia and Ukraine claim deep historical grievances. Ukraine arguably has a stronger claim of injustice. But the question is not whose parchment is older or whose deed is more valid. The question is whether either side is willing to trade some land for the lives of thousands of innocent people. True security, not historical vindication, must guide the path forward.

History shows that punitive measures or rigid insistence on territorial claims can perpetuate cycles of war. Germany’s punishment after World War I contributed directly to World War II. By contrast, Israel’s willingness to cede land for security and recognition created enduring peace. Ukraine and Russia now face the same choice: Continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The loneliness epidemic: Are machines replacing human connection?

NurPhoto / Contributor | Getty Images

Seniors, children, and the isolated increasingly rely on machines for conversation, risking real relationships and the emotional depth that only humans provide.

Jill Smola is 75 years old. She’s a retiree from Orlando, Florida, and she spent her life caring for the elderly. She played games, assembled puzzles, and offered company to those who otherwise would have sat alone.

Now, she sits alone herself. Her husband has died. She has a lung condition. She can’t drive. She can’t leave her home. Weeks can pass without human interaction.

Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

But CBS News reports that she has a new companion. And she likes this companion more than her own daughter.

The companion? Artificial intelligence.

She spends five hours a day talking to her AI friend. They play games, do trivia, and just talk. She says she even prefers it to real people.

My first thought was simple: Stop this. We are losing our humanity.

But as I sat with the story, I realized something uncomfortable. Maybe we’ve already lost some of our humanity — not to AI, but to ourselves.

Outsourcing presence

How often do we know the right thing to do yet fail to act? We know we should visit the lonely. We know we should sit with someone in pain. We know what Jesus would do: Notice the forgotten, touch the untouchable, offer time and attention without outsourcing compassion.

Yet how often do we just … talk about it? On the radio, online, in lectures, in posts. We pontificate, and then we retreat.

I asked myself: What am I actually doing to close the distance between knowing and doing?

Human connection is messy. It’s inconvenient. It takes patience, humility, and endurance. AI doesn’t challenge you. It doesn’t interrupt your day. It doesn’t ask anything of you. Real people do. Real people make us confront our pride, our discomfort, our loneliness.

We’ve built an economy of convenience. We can have groceries delivered, movies streamed, answers instantly. But friendships — real relationships — are slow, inefficient, unpredictable. They happen in the blank spaces of life that we’ve been trained to ignore.

And now we’re replacing that inefficiency with machines.

AI provides comfort without challenge. It eliminates the risk of real intimacy. It’s an elegant coping mechanism for loneliness, but a poor substitute for life. If we’re not careful, the lonely won’t just be alone — they’ll be alone with an anesthetic, a shadow that never asks for anything, never interrupts, never makes them grow.

Reclaiming our humanity

We need to reclaim our humanity. Presence matters. Not theory. Not outrage. Action.

It starts small. Pull up a chair for someone who eats alone. Call a neighbor you haven’t spoken to in months. Visit a nursing home once a month — then once a week. Ask their names, hear their stories. Teach your children how to be present, to sit with someone in grief, without rushing to fix it.

Turn phones off at dinner. Make Sunday afternoons human time. Listen. Ask questions. Don’t post about it afterward. Make the act itself sacred.

Humility is central. We prefer machines because we can control them. Real people are inconvenient. They interrupt our narratives. They demand patience, forgiveness, and endurance. They make us confront ourselves.

A friend will challenge your self-image. A chatbot won’t.

Our homes are quieter. Our streets are emptier. Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

Before we worry about how AI will reshape humanity, we must first practice humanity. It can start with 15 minutes a day of undivided attention, presence, and listening.

Change usually comes when pain finally wins. Let’s not wait for that. Let’s start now. Because real connection restores faster than any machine ever will.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.