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Glenn's Show Prep

Ann Coulter "heartbroken" that loss deprives America of President Romney

November 08, 2012
Wilson

Writer

Ann Coulter has been one of the most vocal personalities in the media in the months and weeks leading up to the election. A staunch Mitt Romney supporter, she told Glenn on radio this morning that she was heartbroken that America was denied a Romney presidency, believing the candidate would have found solutions to a lot of problems facing the country. However, in the interview she addressed two key reasons for his defeat: the power of incumbency and the immigrant vote. You can read a rough transcript of the interview below and watch it in the clip above.

Below is a rough transcript of the interview:

GLENN: Let's see we couldn't get Ann Coulter to call the fat bastard the fat bastard from New Jersey last time. At least admit that the pictures of Chris Christie, and Barack Obama walking down the tarmac together look like Larry the cucumber, and Bob the tomato. Now --

PAT: You're a veggie tails fan.

COULTER: Huge.

GLENN: We thought Larry the cucumber. Archibald the asparagus he kind of looks like Barack Obama. If Barack Obama would use a monocle, and Bob the tomato, that's who they are.

COULTER: I'm really enjoying this today.

COULTER: I will put in an emergency call to Chris Christie to find out if it's true that he wept when he met Bruce Springsteen. That may be the first thing that's going to knock it down.

GLENN: Say it.

COULTER: But I do have an important update for you.

GLENN: You have a Chris Christie problem. Say it he's a fat bastard. I think that the hurricane hurt with or without Chris Christie.

PAT: Chris Christie certainly didn't help.

COULTER: And I think it's the real problem and I certainly hasn't thought about it. That was the whole reason I was so wild about Chris Christie midway through Obama's term, and famously if we didn't run Chris Christie, and we'd win Romney and I was wrong about that. Romney was the best candidate we could have run this time. But the reason --

GLENN: But he did lose.

COULTER: I do know that. I think Chris Christie would have lost by more. I hope I'm wrong about that because we may run him in four years. It's almost impossible to take out an incumbent. Republicans have done it in 80 years and that was Ronald Reagan. I thought Chris Christie was the galvanizing star. I know so many people that have never worked in politics. And I would say half of them if that man ever runs for President I'd come and work for him. He was exciting like Ronald Reagan. I don't think Sandy made a huge difference. And but incumbency was the main thing of all. One important update I have because neither Chris Christie is not going to be our President at least today, and Obama is, and he did Obama did the same thing with the Michael Bloomberg. That's why he wrote that endorsement in the "New York Times". I got that tip from insiders in New York. That was a shakedown for an endorsement playing with federal relief disaster funds. Why I said Chris Christie invited Obama in. He had to care about New Jersey. He needed federal disaster relief funds, and as quickly as possible. And if you read Bloomberg's story in the "New York Times" after Sandy hit get down to the last paragraph, and see if that sounds like a ringing endorsement.

GLENN: I got news for you the Chris Christie is even less the man he is. Believe me I've seen the picture. He's quite a man. What I like about Chris Christie when he standing in front of people, and he knows what he believes and he says it. He stands in front of the cameras, and I'm sorry that's just the way it is. He's real. I love that. But if folded --

COULTER: I think he knew what happened when he became governor the first time. At the beginning of the Obama Department of Justice said no no no left child funds for you because you didn't produce the October 2006 numbers.

GLENN: There's an difference between an education number that nobody can get your arms around, and Chris Christie getting on television. The one thing he's good is the television camera. But I didn't kiss Romney's butt either, and Obama's butt. And our state was affected by it. I think people would have lined up to help him.

COULTER: It's very hard to prove that the government is being more incompetent than it is. When they're working hard it's difficult to tell the difference that they're purposefully getting there slowly.

STU: That's a good government that states shouldn't be dependent on federal funds.

COULTER: Yes. That's why $1 million I'm heartbroken that Romney was going to be our President. He was going to fix so many things. To have America deprived of having this President who could have fixed so much that is broken is heartbreaking. But I do think we'll -- we're going to work hard. Not only do you have the law of the incumbency President. The other side of the is 2004. It didn't occur to me until two nights ago because I thought John Kerry was a jackass. And yet still two years later Republicans were wiped out in the congressionally Lexis. Which suggest that Americans were not thrilled with Republicans. Yet they voted to reelect George Bush. This is all segment of the society including us what we ended was the exact same President, and basically the same Senate, and basically the same house. Nothing changed after all this, and how powerful incumbency is. But the other flip side to reelect the other side the power comes roaring over. And no more Sharron Angle's, and Todd Akins. When it comes time to pick a President. I think Romney was hurt. And sometimes this is inevitable. It wasn't inevitable to have that the primary go on and go. It definitely hurt Mitt Romney. Obama was spending money denouncing Romney as a rich elitist out of touch Country Clubber in Ohio. He always knew that Ohio was in play. Even more than them I loved Herman Cain, and 999 but if you haven't won a major election and not just in a little house seat you're probably never going to be President so you shouldn't run.

PAT: I like that.

PAT: So no former pizza skew tiffs, and no other members.

COULTER: Nobody has won an election. I think preferably for governor. I don't think that a house member can do it.

PAT: Governor or Senator.

GLENN: Ann, take a deep breathe.

COULTER: But that probably won't be until 2024.

GLENN: Take a deep breath. Remember you're the one that like Bob the tomato. You remember this. -- this country is split right down the middle, and everybody everybody on the right is saying maybe we should be more moderate. Are you out of your mind.

COULTER: Yes.

GLENN: I'm so sick of this, and John Boehner, John Boehner I have to tell you. What a fat bastard that guy even though he's not fat. He's growing in size in my mind every single day. What is wrong with that guy.

COULTER: You have to keep the pressure on these guys. I would like to think that he was saying that for media consumption.

COULTER:

GLENN: No he's not. Even "The Blaze" is running this. Everybody is publishing their list who can run in 2016. If somebody tells me one more time Jeb Bush I'm going to hang myself.

COULTER: Thank you. And he and his rotten family, and the "Wall Street Journal".

GLENN: You say that about the Bushes and but you won't call Chris Christie a fat bastard which is half true.

COULTER: One teeny tiny mistake he made. All of these Republicans who have telling us all this time don't worry immigration. Illegal immigration it's fantastic we're going to turn the Hispanics into Republicans just like the Italians. When the Italians came here. This is back in the 20s 30% of them went back home because they didn't make it. We got the creme de la creme. You get here, and the Democrats immediately start giving you government assistance. Thus I was in despair for the first 16 hours after the election results came in. Because we are heading for a tipping point. Whether we hit that in this election or not. It was all 1965 Teddy Kennedy's immigration act. 60% of the legal immigrants come from the third world, and government gets them on assistance, and they have automatic democratic voters. Maybe we can get them in 100 years. But it's too late. They vote by race. And a white person could vote nor a Democrat or Republican, and no one will say you voted for the Democrat. How could you vote against your race. That is sad to immigrants from Senegal, to blacks and Mexicans and Hispanics. There is this ethnic voting, and Democrats have gotten them, and it has nothing to do with the economic opportunity. We ought to get as many as we can. I think Mitt Romney was right in the first debate. We can appeal to them by offering them freedom.

GLENN: I have news for you. I think if the Republicans if they don't change their behavior in this 2-year period they're not going to have anybody left. They're not going to have anybody left. I don't care about these guys.

COULTER: There was nothing wrong with Mitt Romney's position on things. It wasn't like he was John McCain.

GLENN: I think Mitt Romney was the best candidate we have run since Ronald Reagan.

COULTER: Yes.

GLENN: You know you don't know anybody anywhere. But I thought.

COULTER: He was a little that way with Reagan though he had spent a lot more time in public life, and but he didn't run as the caricature as the liberals portrayed him as.

GLENN: No, he didn't. He was a great candidate. I thought he was a great candidate. The thing though is in four years from now this country is going to be -- either this Utopia works or we're a full-fledged fascist nation or we are coming into because executive orders exist, but we could get into the 2015 and this nation has been pounded into the ground because we did nothing for four years except make it worse, and if we're still standing, I'm sorry but the John Boehners of the world are not going to be it. You're going to look for somebody like Rand Paul. And Rand Paul may not be strong enough at that point.

COULTER: I love Rand Paul. The only thing I'd say about him. It reminds me one of my points what we need to avoid, and that is I think people saying we need to be more conservative. I think they're fighting the last war. Mitt Romney was plenty conservative. He was the most conservative on issues like illegal immigration, on tax reform and on government. He was the most conservative is and fact that he was presentable, and attractive, and didn't call Obama a Kenyan anti-colonialist, and demanding some form of the poorism that isn't related to the issues. The poorism in craziness.

GLENN: But we're getting to the point. We have three Supreme Court justices that are going to die in the next three years.

COULTER: We've got to pray for them.

GLENN: Look how that worked out. So we've got three Supreme Court justices. The principle thing that the only thing that will save us in four years will be the constitution. We will be so far off the rails in four years. There won't be anything left in four years. Other than there's somebody making stuff up outside of the margins.

COULTER: Which is why we can't be running -- I think there are no Rockefeller Republicans any more. There are no liberal Republicans who're pro choice as they say whoever run as a President as a Republican anymore. I think that the problem is more the poorism issue. Rand Paul it was the same thing. It is the same thing with poorist libertarians. Berry Goldwater contrary as I describe him, Barry Goldwater nearly destroyed the Republican party by his civil rights act. He wiped Republicans out.

GLENN: You know how I feel about progressivism. You have to take it step by step. You can't eat the whole thing. It won't work. But you've got to start moving in that direction.

COULTER: Yes. And demanding purity or crazy positions -- we can't do any of this unless our candidates get elected. They talk about their positions that are popular, and not suppress the ones that are unpopular.

GLENN: I'll come your way if you just say he is a fat bastard.

COULTER: Good to talk to you.

The Crisis of Meaning: Searching for truth and purpose

Mario Tama / Staff | Getty Images

Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The Bubba Effect erupts as America’s power brokers go rogue

Gary Hershorn / Contributor | Getty Images

When institutions betray the public’s trust, the country splits, and the spiral is hard to stop.

Something drastic is happening in American life. Headlines that should leave us stunned barely register anymore. Stories that once would have united the country instead dissolve into silence or shrugs.

It is not apathy exactly. It is something deeper — a growing belief that the people in charge either cannot or will not fix what is broken.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf.

I call this response the Bubba effect. It describes what happens when institutions lose so much public trust that “Bubba,” the average American minding his own business, finally throws his hands up and says, “Fine. I will handle it myself.” Not because he wants to, but because the system that was supposed to protect him now feels indifferent, corrupt, or openly hostile.

The Bubba effect is not a political movement. It is a survival instinct.

What triggers the Bubba effect

We are watching the triggers unfold in real time. When members of Congress publicly encourage active duty troops to disregard orders from the commander in chief, that is not a political squabble. When a federal judge quietly rewrites the rules so one branch of government can secretly surveil another, that is not normal. That is how republics fall. Yet these stories glided across the news cycle without urgency, without consequence, without explanation.

When the American people see the leadership class shrug, they conclude — correctly — that no one is steering the ship.

This is how the Bubba effect spreads. It is not just individuals resisting authority. It is sheriffs refusing to enforce new policies, school boards ignoring state mandates, entire communities saying, “We do not believe you anymore.” It becomes institutional, cultural, national.

A country cracking from the inside

This effect can be seen in Dearborn, Michigan. In the rise of fringe voices like Nick Fuentes. In the Epstein scandal, where powerful people could not seem to locate a single accountable adult. These stories are different in content but identical in message: The system protects itself, not you.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf. That does not mean they suddenly agree with everything that person says. It means they feel abandoned by the institutions that were supposed to be trustworthy.

The Bubba effect is what fills that vacuum.

The dangers of a faithless system

A republic cannot survive without credibility. Congress cannot oversee intelligence agencies if it refuses to discipline its own members. The military cannot remain apolitical if its chain of command becomes optional. The judiciary cannot defend the Constitution while inventing loopholes that erase the separation of powers.

History shows that once a nation militarizes politics, normalizes constitutional shortcuts, or allows government agencies to operate without scrutiny, it does not return to equilibrium peacefully. Something will give.

The question is what — and when.

The responsibility now belongs to us

In a healthy country, this is where the media steps in. This is where universities, pastors, journalists, and cultural leaders pause the outrage machine and explain what is at stake. But today, too many see themselves not as guardians of the republic, but of ideology. Their first loyalty is to narrative, not truth.

The founders never trusted the press more than the public. They trusted citizens who understood their rights, lived their responsibilities, and demanded accountability. That is the antidote to the Bubba effect — not rage, but citizenship.

How to respond without breaking ourselves

Do not riot. Do not withdraw. Do not cheer on destruction just because you dislike the target. That is how nations lose themselves. Instead, demand transparency. Call your representatives. Insist on consequences. Refuse to normalize constitutional violations simply because “everyone does it.” If you expect nothing, you will get nothing.

Do not hand your voice to the loudest warrior simply because he is swinging a bat at the establishment. You do not beat corruption by joining a different version of it. You beat it by modeling the country you want to preserve: principled, accountable, rooted in truth.

Adam Gray / Stringer | Getty Images

Every republic reaches a moment when historians will later say, “That was the warning.” We are living in ours. But warnings are gifts if they are recognized. Institutions bend. People fail. The Constitution can recover — if enough Americans still know and cherish it.

It does not take a majority. Twenty percent of the country — awake, educated, and courageous — can reset the system. It has happened before. It can happen again.

Wake up. Stand up. Demand integrity — from leaders, from institutions, and from yourself. Because the Bubba effect will not end until Americans reclaim the duty that has always belonged to them: preserving the republic for the next generation.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Grim warning: Bad-faith Israel critics duck REAL questions

Spencer Platt / Staff | Getty Images

Bad-faith attacks on Israel and AIPAC warp every debate. Real answers emerge only when people set aside scripts and ask what serves America’s long-term interests.

The search for truth has always required something very much in short supply these days: honesty. Not performative questions, not scripted outrage, not whatever happens to be trending on TikTok, but real curiosity.

Some issues, often focused on foreign aid, AIPAC, or Israel, have become hotbeds of debate and disagreement. Before we jump into those debates, however, we must return to a simpler, more important issue: honest questioning. Without it, nothing in these debates matters.

Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

The phrase “just asking questions” has re-entered the zeitgeist, and that’s fine. We should always question power. But too many of those questions feel preloaded with someone else’s answer. If the goal is truth, then the questions should come from a sincere desire to understand, not from a hunt for a villain.

Honest desire for truth is the only foundation that can support a real conversation about these issues.

Truth-seeking is real work

Right now, plenty of people are not seeking the truth at all. They are repeating something they heard from a politician on cable news or from a stranger on TikTok who has never opened a history book. That is not a search for answers. That is simply outsourcing your own thought.

If you want the truth, you need to work for it. You cannot treat the world like a Marvel movie where the good guy appears in a cape and the villain hisses on command. Real life does not give you a neat script with the moral wrapped up in two hours.

But that is how people are approaching politics now. They want the oppressed and the oppressor, the heroic underdog and the cartoon villain. They embrace this fantastical framing because it is easier than wrestling with reality.

This framing took root in the 1960s when the left rebuilt its worldview around colonizers and the colonized. Overnight, Zionism was recast as imperialism. Suddenly, every conflict had to fit the same script. Today’s young activists are just recycling the same narrative with updated graphics. Everything becomes a morality play. No nuance, no context, just the comforting clarity of heroes and villains.

Bad-faith questions

This same mindset is fueling the sudden obsession with Israel, and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in particular. You hear it from members of Congress and activists alike: AIPAC pulls the strings, AIPAC controls the government, AIPAC should register as a foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The questions are dramatic, but are they being asked in good faith?

FARA is clear. The standard is whether an individual or group acts under the direction or control of a foreign government. AIPAC simply does not qualify.

Here is a detail conveniently left out of these arguments: Dozens of domestic organizations — Armenian, Cuban, Irish, Turkish — lobby Congress on behalf of other countries. None of them registers under FARA because — like AIPAC — they are independent, domestic organizations.

If someone has a sincere problem with the structure of foreign lobbying, fair enough. Let us have that conversation. But singling out AIPAC alone is not a search for truth. It is bias dressed up as bravery.

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

If someone wants to question foreign aid to Israel, fine. Let’s have that debate. But let’s ask the right questions. The issue is not the size of the package but whether the aid advances our interests. What does the United States gain? Does the investment strengthen our position in the region? How does it compare to what we give other nations? And do we examine those countries with the same intensity?

The real target

These questions reflect good-faith scrutiny. But narrowing the entire argument to one country or one dollar amount misses the larger problem. If someone objects to the way America handles foreign aid, the target is not Israel. The target is the system itself — an entrenched bureaucracy, poor transparency, and decades-old commitments that have never been re-examined. Those problems run through programs around the world.

If you want answers, you need to broaden the lens. You have to be willing to put aside the movie script and confront reality. You have to hold yourself to a simple rule: Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

That is the only way this country ever gets clarity on foreign aid, influence, alliances, and our place in the world. Questioning is not just allowed. It is essential. But only if it is honest.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

A nation unravels when its shared culture is the first thing to go

Spencer Platt / Staff | Getty Images

Texas now hosts Quran-first academies, Sharia-compliant housing schemes, and rapidly multiplying mosques — all part of a movement building a self-contained society apart from the country around it.

It is time to talk honestly about what is happening inside America’s rapidly growing Muslim communities. In city after city, large pockets of newcomers are choosing to build insulated enclaves rather than enter the broader American culture.

That trend is accelerating, and the longer we ignore it, the harder it becomes to address.

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world.

America has always welcomed people of every faith and people from every corner of the world, but the deal has never changed: You come here and you join the American family. You are free to honor your traditions, keep your faith, but you must embrace the Constitution as the supreme law of the land. You melt into the shared culture that allows all of us to live side by side.

Across the country, this bargain is being rejected by Islamist communities that insist on building a parallel society with its own rules, its own boundaries, and its own vision for how life should be lived.

Texas illustrates the trend. The state now has roughly 330 mosques. At least 48 of them were built in just the last 24 months. The Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex alone has around 200 Islamic centers. Houston has another hundred or so. Many of these communities have no interest in blending into American life.

This is not the same as past waves of immigration. Irish, Italian, Korean, Mexican, and every other group arrived with pride in their heritage. Still, they also raised American flags and wanted their children to be part of the country’s future. They became doctors, small-business owners, teachers, and soldiers. They wanted to be Americans.

What we are watching now is not the melting pot. It is isolation by design.

Parallel societies do not end well

More than 300 fundamentalist Islamic schools now operate full-time across the country. Many use Quran-first curricula that require students to spend hours memorizing religious texts before they ever reach math or science. In Dallas, Brighter Horizons Academy enrolls more than 1,700 students and draws federal support while operating on a social model that keeps children culturally isolated.

Then there is the Epic City project in Collin and Hunt counties — 402 acres originally designated only for Muslim buyers, with Sharia-compliant financing and a mega-mosque at the center. After public outcry and state investigations, the developers renamed it “The Meadows,” but a new sign does not erase the original intent. It is not a neighborhood. It is a parallel society.

Americans should not hesitate to say that parallel societies are dangerous. Europe tried this experiment, and the results could not be clearer. In Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, entire neighborhoods now operate under their own cultural rules, some openly hostile to Western norms. When citizens speak up, they are branded bigots for asserting a basic right: the ability to live safely in their own communities.

A crisis of confidence

While this separation widens, another crisis is unfolding at home. A recent Gallup survey shows that about 40% of American women ages 18 to 39 would leave the country permanently if given the chance. Nearly half of a rising generation — daughters, sisters, soon-to-be mothers — no longer believe this nation is worth building a future in.

And who shapes the worldview of young boys? Their mothers. If a mother no longer believes America is home, why would her child grow up ready to defend it?

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world. If we lose confidence in our own national identity at the same time that we allow separatist enclaves to spread unchecked, the outcome is predictable. Europe is already showing us what comes next: cultural fracture, political radicalization, and the slow death of national unity.

Brandon Bell / Staff | Getty Images

Stand up and tell the truth

America welcomes Muslims. America defends their right to worship freely. A Muslim who loves the Constitution, respects the rule of law, and wants to raise a family in peace is more than welcome in America.

But an Islamist movement that rejects assimilation, builds enclaves governed by its own religious framework, and treats American law as optional is not simply another participant in our melting pot. It is a direct challenge to it. If we refuse to call this problem out out of fear of being called names, we will bear the consequences.

Europe is already feeling those consequences — rising conflict and a political class too paralyzed to admit the obvious. When people feel their culture, safety, and freedoms slipping away, they will follow anyone who promises to defend them. History has shown that over and over again.

Stand up. Speak plainly. Be unafraid. You can practice any faith in this country, but the supremacy of the Constitution and the Judeo-Christian moral framework that shaped it is non-negotiable. It is what guarantees your freedom in the first place.

If you come here and honor that foundation, welcome. If you come here to undermine it, you do not belong here.

Wake up to what is unfolding before the consequences arrive. Because when a nation refuses to say what is true, the truth eventually forces its way in — and by then, it is always too late.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.