African American pastor: Paula Deen scandal shows out of control political correctness

Pastor Ken Hutcherson has been featured on The Glenn Beck Program several times, most recently appearing with Glenn at his speech in D.C.. Today, he joined the radio show to discuss the Paula Deen scandal. No stranger to confronting racism, Hutcherson argued that the Paula Deen scandal exposes out of control political correctness and the need to silence any offensive voice.

"Her using the N‑word is terrible," Hutcherson said. "I fight for her right to have freedom of speech in our Constitution. I don't like it, I've been called the N‑word so many times."

Hutcherson explained that he confronted with horrific racism when he was growing up and was often looked at as subhuman.He described his childhood to Glenn, "Probably the best way I can say it is when you are looked upon as less than human, when you are looked on as basically for years, you know, the whole concept in the South is three‑quarters of an individual, you wasn't even a whole individual, when you were looked at as being indolent, when you were looked at as not being able to think, you was a physical specimen, not a literal specimen."

Despite his backgound and exposure to racism, Hutcherson still believes in the Constitution and freedom of speech, even when it is hateful speech.

"The issue is not Paula Deen using the N‑word back in the circumstance she used it, back in the past and have to apologize for it. It is that she was brought out disturbing political correctness," he said.

Hutcherson called out the ridiculous double standard that exists over hateful speech, pointing out that David Letterman can call Sarah Palin a twit and keep his job Bill Maher can call her the C-word.

"What if Bill Maher or Letterman would have called Hillary Clinton those words? Do you think they would have been fired then?" he said.

Hutcherson said it's going to take a lot more than silencing someone in the nae of political correctness to change the country and end problems like racism.

"I think the best way to fight it is to understand that we've got to learn to get along together and get unified in this country. And we better learn that the freedoms that the Constitution has given us is the greatest freedom, the greatest piece of paper ever written anywhere in all the world, in all mankind. And that Constitution gives us the right to disagree, yet move forward together."

Full Transcript Below:

Now, it's strange that this would come up because Pat and I were on an airplane for two days with Ken Hutcherson who is ‑‑ was a former football player, played for the Cowboys, has an amazing story and is a black man who grew up in Alabama during the civil rights era. The stories that he told us I was going to say turned my hair white, but my hair's been white for a while. And wanted to get his opinion on this because I'll bet you that it is a little more passionate than mine. I have no idea where he's going.

Let's go to Pastor Ken Hutcherson in Seattle from the Antioch Bible Church. Pastor, how are you, sir?

HUTCHERSON: I'm doing good, guys. How are you guys doing this morning?

GLENN: Very good. Are you familiar with the story on Paula Deen?

HUTCHERSON: Oh, please.

GLENN: Okay.

HUTCHERSON: You know I am.

STU: (Laughing.)

GLENN: So where ‑‑ so what should happen in this story?

HUTCHERSON: I think it's one of the ‑‑ this is so stupid. I cannot believe something that she said after a guy tried to rob her. If a black guy tried to call me, I may even call him the N‑word.

PAT: (Laughing.)

HUTCHERSON: But the issue here, guys, really boils down to political correctness. Is ‑‑ her using the N‑word is terrible. Under the circumstances on how she used it to be understood. And I fight for her right to have freedom of speech in our Constitution. I don't like it, I've been called the N‑word so many times, I've been called the N‑word more than Van Camp's got pork and beans and so, you know, you get to the point where you've got to say, all right, that person is ignorant, that person is upset, that person is mad, but it all boils down really, guys, not that she used the N‑word but because she offended political correctness.

PAT: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: And I don't understand why they would want to fire her. And I watch the Food Network, guys. You know, I get ‑‑

PAT: Me too.

HUTCHERSON: ‑‑ (inaudible) about watching that thing.

PAT: And Ken ‑‑ and Hutch, this is amazing.

HUTCHERSON: I like eating stuff that's with grease.

PAT: This is amazing coming from you because you, you grew up in a really tough environment and you got into football so that you could legally punish white people for the things they called you and the things they did to you.

HUTCHERSON: Absolutely.

PAT: And then ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: I found a legal way to hurt white people.

GLENN: Tell me ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: Football was the way to do it.

GLENN: Tell the story ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: And I got all my frustrations out that way.

GLENN: Tell the story a little bit, Hutch, for people who don't know you or your life story. Can you, can you kind of tell what your childhood was like?

HUTCHERSON: Probably the best way I can say it is when you are looked upon as less than human, when you are looked on as basically for years, you know, the whole concept in the South is three‑quarters of an individual, you wasn't even a whole individual, when you were looked at as being indolent, when you were looked at as not being able to think, you was a physical specimen, not a literal specimen.

PAT: When, in fact, you're an honor student for one thing.

HUTCHERSON: Yes.

PAT: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: It kind of broke the mold when I was coming through school because I said if I beat up a white guy physically, they're going to say that, you know, I am part animal anyway and my muscle structure is built differently. But when I can compete with them mentally, that, that just disturbed a lot of white people in Alabama. And I was so frustrated about that. And I was a better baseball player than I was a football player, but you couldn't hit white people in baseball and get away with it, but you could in football.

GLENN: I think full ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: (Inaudible).

GLENN: I think full con‑ ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: ‑‑ in my locker when I was in high school, break up one white boy a day ‑‑

GLENN: That's what you had over your locker?

HUTCHERSON: ‑‑ in the South in the Sixties. And that's what I did. That's how I lived. And to hear what's happening with Paula Deen after going through what I went through is really small. But again, guys, don't lose what the issue is. The issue is not Paula Deen using the N‑word back in the circumstance she used it, back in the past and have to apologize for it. It is that she was brought out disturbing political correctness because Bill Maher, like you guys have been talking about, called Sarah Palin the C‑word.

GLENN: That's the other word I don't use.

PAT: Mmm‑hmmm.

HUTCHERSON: You know what? Is that offensive? Is that sexism as much as racism? But since he did it to a conservative white woman, it's okay.

PAT: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: He laughed about that.

PAT: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: Or what about David Letterman? What did he call Sarah Palin? A twit. Is that not sexism, but because it's not political incorrect ‑‑

PAT: Plus he went after her daughter.

HUTCHERSON: ‑‑ they did not get upset at them.

PAT: Yeah.

STU: It seems to be ‑‑

HUTCHERSON: And what I'm saying is, come on. Be real. They can get away with that because they think that Sarah Palin is a second class citizen who is conservative, who is not worth listening to, who is stupid and not really a whole individual. What if Bill Maher or Letterman would have called Hillary Clinton those words? Do you think they would have been fired then?

GLENN: Yes.

HUTCHERSON: And so stupidly ‑‑

GLENN: Let me ask you this, Hutch ‑‑

PAT: ‑‑ and inconsistency drives me nuts.

GLENN: And so I don't want to be the person. I stand up for Bill Maher's right to say those things, and I just speak out against it and say he's wrong.

HUTCHERSON: Yeah.

GLENN: There are people that ‑‑ see, I don't think people actually change. I think the chairs at the table change and the ‑‑ and those who are currently seated may have their seat removed from the table at some point.

HUTCHERSON: Yep.

GLENN: And so they just, the power changes, but people don't. And there are people now that are wanting revenge for what happened to their ancestors in the past and then the argument against it is, "Well, there's a double standard." Well, of course there's a double standard. There will always be a double standard.

HUTCHERSON: Yeah.

GLENN: There will always be injustice when man is involved. So what is the best way to fight this? Because I don't think ‑‑ I don't think fighting with boycotts or fighting to have David Letterman fired, I don't think that is the way. What is the way to fight this?

HUTCHERSON: I think the best way to fight it is to understand that we've got to learn to get along together and get unified in this country. And we better learn that the freedoms that the Constitution has given us is the greatest freedom, the greatest piece of paper ever written anywhere in all the world, in all mankind. And that Constitution gives us the right to disagree, yet move forward together. Even the issue, guys, when Imus was fired, does that bring up (inaudible) for you guys?

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: We defended him as well.

PAT: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: Yeah. When you call a basketball girl a nappy‑headed ho?

STU: Yeah.

HUTCHERSON: I mean, it's extremely insensitive.

GLENN: Yes, it is.

HUTCHERSON: Yeah, but he apologized, wanted to make it right and moved forward. But when you have blacks in this world who have a chip on their shoulder and think that America owes them something and that you ‑‑ "I'm a victim of everything that you do to every white person," we'll never get along in this country and we need to make up. What's going on ‑‑ why aren't people upset with what's going on in Chicago with black kids killing each other or in New York with black‑on‑black crime? It's almost 80% of what's going on. We better wake up, we better live our Constitution, and we better know that there's no second class citizen. And, we are going to overcome this and we are the greatest country in the world, and I love being black in America.

GLENN: That is something you just don't hear.

STU: Yeah.

GLENN: And when you hear ‑‑ Hutch is going to come down and do some shows with us, and when you hear his whole story and you know what this guy came from and to see how you conquer it, it is exactly the same way. What he ‑‑ how he has lived his life is the way we all need to live our life and the way our country needs to behave. Because if he can conquer his hatred, if he can conquer those who tried to keep him down and he had ‑‑ I mean, you were ‑‑ the Black Panthers were your boys in the Sixties.

HUTCHERSON: They was my boys. Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Fire, Ice, baby, those are my boys before I met Jesus. When I met Jesus Christ, everything turned around. And there are too many people out there that don't know Jesus. That's why we've got such a bad world.

GLENN: Ken, I look forward to talking to you some more. I know that ‑‑ I missed your e‑mail. Am I going to like your e‑mail or not like your e‑mail?

HUTCHERSON: You're not going to only love my e‑mail, you're going to do back flips on my e‑mail.

GLENN: I'm in love with you. Ken, thank you very much.

HUTCHERSON: All right, guys, have a great day.

On Wednesday's TV show, Glenn Beck sat down with radio show host, author, political commentator, and film critic, Michael Medved.

Michael had an interesting prediction for the 2020 election outcome: a brokered convention by the DNC will usher in former First Lady Michelle Obama to run against President Donald Trump.

Watch the video below to hear why he's making this surprising forecast:

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On Thursday's "Glenn Beck Radio Program," BlazeTV's White House correspondent Jon Miller described the current situation in Virginia after Gov. Ralph Northam (D) declared a state of emergency and banned people carrying guns at Capitol Square just days before a pro-Second-Amendment rally scheduled on Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Jon told Glenn that Gov. Northam and the Virginia Legislature are "trying to deprive the people of their Second Amendment rights" but the citizens of Virginia are "rising up" to defend their constitutional rights.

"I do think this is the flashpoint," Jon said. "They [Virginia lawmakers] are saying, 'You cannot exercise your rights ... and instead of trying to de-escalate the situation, we are putting pressure. We're trying to escalate it and we're trying to enrage the citizenry even more'."

Glenn noted how Gov. Northam initially blamed the threat of violence from Antifa for his decision to ban weapons but quickly changed his narrative to blame "white supremacists" to vilify the people who are standing up for the Second Amendment and the Constitution.

"What he's doing is, he's making all all the law-abiding citizens of Virginia into white supremacists," Glenn said.

"Sadly, that's exactly right," Jon replied. "And I think he knows exactly what he's doing."

Watch the video to catch more of the conversation below:

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Ryan: Trump Louisiana Finale

Photo by Jim Dale

Part One. Part Two. Part Three.

At the end of Trump rallies, I would throw on my Carhartt jacket, sneak out of the press area, then blend in with everyone as they left, filing out through swinging doors.

Often, someone held the door open for me. Just 30 minutes earlier, the same person had most likely had most likely hissed at me for being a journalist. And now they were Sunday smiles and "Oh, yes, thank you, sir" like some redneck concierge.

People flooded out of the arena with the stupidity of a fire drill mishap, desperate to survive.

The air smacked you as soon as you crossed the threshold, back into Louisiana. And the lawn was a wasteland of camping chairs and coolers and shopping bags and to-go containers and soda cans and articles of clothing and even a few tents.

In Monroe, in the dark, the Trump supporters bobbled over mounds of waste like elephants trying to tiptoe. And the trash was as neutral to them as concrete or grass. They plodded over it because it, an object, had somehow gotten in their way.

It did not matter that they were responsible for this wreckage.Out in the sharp-edged moonlight, rally-goers hooted and yapped and boogied and danced, and the bbq food truck was all smoke and paper plates.

They were even more pumped than they had been before the rally, like 6,000 eight year olds who'd been chugging Mountain Dew for hours. Which made Donald Trump the father, the trooper, God of the Underworld, Mr. Elite, Sheriff on high horse, the AR-15 sticker of the family.

Ritualistic mayhem, all at once. And, there in Louisiana, Trump's supporters had gotten a taste of it. They were all so happy. It bordered on rage.

Still, I could not imagine their view of America. Worse, after a day of strange hostilities, I did not care.

My highest priority, my job as a reporter, was to care. To understand them and the world that they inhabit. But I did not give a damn and I never wanted to come back.

Worst of all, I would be back. In less than a week.

Was this how dogs felt on the 4th of July? Hunched in a corner while everyone else gets drunk and launches wailing light into the sky? configurations of blue and red and white.

It was 10:00 p.m. and we'd been traveling since 11:00 a.m., and we still had 5 hours to go and all I wanted was a home, my home, any home, just not here, in the cold sweat of this nowhere. Grey-mangled sky. No evidence of planes or satellites or any proof of modern-day. Just century-old bridges that trains shuffled over one clack at a time.

And casinos, all spangles and neon like the 1960s in Las Vegas. Kitchy and dumb, too tacky for lighthearted gambling. And only in the nicer cities, like Shreveport, which is not nice at all.

And swamp. Black water that rarely shimmered. Inhabited by gadflies and leeches and not one single fish that was pretty.

Full of alligators, and other killing types. The storks gnawing on frogs, the vultures never hungry. The coyotes with nobody to stop them and so much land to themselves. The roaches in the wild, like tiny wildebeests.

Then, the occasional deer carcass on the side of the road, eyes splayed as if distracted, tongue out, relaxed but empty. The diseased willows like skeletons in hairnets. The owls that never quit staring. A million facets of wilderness that would outlive us all.

Because Nature has poise. It thrives and is original.

Because silence is impossible. Even in an anechoic chamber, perfectly soundproofed, you can hear your own heartbeat, steady as a drum. A never-ending war.

I put "Headache" by Grouper on repeat as we glided west. We were deadlocked to asphalt, rubber over tarface.

And I thought about lines from a Rita Dove poem titled "I have been a stranger in a strange land"

He was off cataloging the universe, probably,
pretending he could organize
what was clearly someone else's chaos.

Wasn't that exactly what I was doing? Looking for an impossible answer, examining every single accident, eager for meaning? telling myself, "If it happens and matters the next year, in America, I want to be there, or to know what it means. I owe it to whoever cares to listen."

Humans are collectors and I had gone overboard.

Because maybe this wasn't even my home. These landmarks, what did they mean? Was I obvious here? When I smiled, did I trick them into believing that I felt some vague sense of approval? Or did my expressions betray me?

Out in all that garbage-streaked emptiness — despite the occasional burst of passing halogen — I couldn't tell if everything we encountered was haunted or just old, derelict, broken, useless. One never-ending landfill.

Around those parts, they'd made everything into junk. Homes. Roads. Glass. Nature. Life itself, they made into junk.

I cringed as we passed yet another deer carcass mounded on the side of the road.

As written in Job 35:11,

Who teaches us more than the beasts of the earth and makes us wiser than the birds in the sky?

Nobody. Look at nature and you feel something powerful. Look at an animal, in all of its untamable majesty, and you capture a deep love, all swept up in the power of creation. But, here, all I saw were poor creatures who people had slammed into and kept driving. Driving to where? For what reason? What exactly was so important that they left a trail of dead animals behind them?

So I crossed myself dolorously and said an "Our Father" and recited a stanza from Charles Bukowski's "The Laughing Heart"

you can't beat death but
you can beat death in life, sometimes.
and the more often you learn to do it,
the more light there will be.

Out here, nothing but darkness. Needing some light, by God. Give me something better than a Moon that hides like an underfed coward.

Jade told me about some of the more traumatic things she'd seen while working at the State Fair.

"Bro, they pull roaches out of the iced lemonade jugs and act like nothing happened."

"All right but what about the corn dogs?"

"You do not want to know, little bro."

She looked around in the quiet. "Back in the day, the Louisiana Congress refused to raise the drinking age from 18 to 21," she said. "They didn't want to lose all that drunk gambler money. So the federal government cut off funding to highways."

We glided through moon-pale landscape for an hour before I realized what she had meant. That there weren't any light poles or billboards along the road. Nothing to guide us or distract us. Just us, alone. And it felt like outer space had collapsed, swallowed us like jellybeans.

Like two teenagers playing a prank on the universe.

In the cozy Subaru Crosstrek, in the old wild night, brimming with the uncertainty of life and the nonchalance of failure, we paraded ourselves back to Dallas. Alive in the river silence that follows us everywhere.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Next, the Iowa caucuses. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

The Iowa primary is just around the corner, and concerns of election interference from the last presidential election still loom. Back in 2016, The Associated Press found that a majority of U.S. elections systems still use Windows 7 as an operating system, making them highly susceptible to bugs and errors. And last year, a Mississippi voter tried multiple times to vote for the candidate of his choice, but the system continuously switched his vote to the other candidate. It's pretty clear: America's voting systems desperately need an update.

That's where blockchain voting comes in.

Blockchain voting is a record-keeping system that's 100% verifiable and nearly impossible to hack. Blockchain, the newest innovation in cybersecurity, is set to grow into a $20 billion industry by 2025. Its genius is in its decentralized nature, distributing information throughout a network of computers, requiring would-be hackers to infiltrate a much larger system. Infiltrating multiple access points spread across many computers requires a significant amount of computing power, which often costs more than hackers expect to get in return.

Blockchain voting wouldn't allow for many weak spots. For instance, Voatz, arguably the leading mobile voting platform, requires a person to take a picture of their government-issued ID and a picture of themselves before voting (a feature, of course, not present in vote-by-mail, where the only form of identity verification is a handwritten signature, which is easily forgeable). Voters select their choices and hit submit. They then receive an immediate receipt of their choices via email, another security feature not present in vote-by-mail, or even in-person voting. And because the system operates on blockchain technology, it's nearly impossible to tamper with.

Votes are then tabulated, and the election results are published, providing a paper trail, which is a top priority for elections security experts.

The benefits of blockchain voting can't be dismissed. Folks can cast their vote from the comfort of their homes, offices, etc., vastly increasing the number of people who can participate in the electoral process. Two to three-hour lines at polling places, which often deter voters, would become significantly diminished.

Even outside of the voting increase, the upsides are manifold. Thanks to the photo identification requirements, voter fraud—whether real or merely suspected—would be eliminated. The environment would win, too, since we'd no longer be wasting paper on mail-in ballots. Moreover, the financial burden on election offices would be alleviated, because there's decreased staff time spent on the election, saving the taxpayer money.

From Oregon to West Virginia, elections offices have already implemented blockchain voting, and the results have been highly positive. For example, the city of Denver utilized mobile voting for overseas voters in their 2019 municipal elections. The system was secure and free of technical errors, and participants reported that it was very user-friendly. Utah County used the same system for their 2019 primary and general elections. An independent audit revealed that every vote that was cast on the app was counted and counted correctly. These successful test cases are laying the groundwork for even larger expansions of the program in 2020.

With this vital switch, our elections become significantly more secure, accurate, and efficient. But right now, our election infrastructure is a sitting duck for manipulation. Our current lack of election integrity undermines the results of both local and national elections, fans the flames of partisanship, and zaps voter confidence in the democratic system. While there's never a silver bullet or quick fix to those kinds of things, blockchain voting would push us much closer to a solution than anything else.

Chris Harelson is the Executive Director at Prosperity Council and a Young Voices contributor.