This is why Jim Gaffigan is one of Glenn’s favorite comedians

Jim Gaffigan may be one of the funniest men in America. Not only does he manage to make hot pockets, bacon, and fatherhood hilarious, he stays funny without veering into politics. He’s got a new TV show starting in a couple weeks, and he joined Glenn on radio to discuss the show, McDonald’s ridiculous new McKale, and more.

Find out more about The Jim Gaffigan Show

GLENN: Jim Gaffigan is a funny man and comedian who has a problem with some -- some food items, we understand. But loves them Hot Pockets. John Gaffigan is with us now. Hello, John.

JIM: John?

[laughter]

GLENN: Do you miss the days when you had to get up early in the morning and do a radio interview with people who had no idea who you were?

JIM: Oh, my gosh, that's a great observation. Yeah. Well, you know, the whole thing is like doing this TV show, Glenn. It's way too much work. I know you're a colossal workaholic. But there's too much acting that occurs before 10:00 a.m. That's my whole thing. It's a TV show.

I had a pickup one time at 3:00 a.m. 3:00 a.m. I'm used to working for an hour a night where it's just me with a microphone. And I'm supposed to be cooperative with people at 4:30 in the morning? But...

GLENN: So, Jim, looking at your hourly wage then, I would say you're probably for the 15-dollar an hour for food workers?

JIM: Well, you know, I am someone who eats -- I probably singlehandedly kept McDonald's afloat in the past couple of months. But I most certainly -- I have worked in a fast food place. But, you know, I am for, you know, businesses making a profit. But I don't know. You know, it's like that's above my pay grade.

GLENN: Are you -- how do you feel about the kale announcement with McDonald's?

JIM: I felt like that was a sellout, you know. That's like us negotiating with ISIS.

GLENN: I mean --

JIM: Like, McDonald's, how dare you. How dare you betray -- you know what I mean? The kale thing. I appreciate the value of it being good for us. But that's not why we're going to McDonald's. All right. We're going to McDonald's because we really don't like ourselves. And we want a moment of happiness, Glenn. And we all know that. No one is going to McDonald's and then jogging, all right. We're going to McDonald's because we don't want to jog. Because -- because those fries are insane.

GLENN: When did you -- when did you -- because you really are one of my heroes. A, I mean this sincerely, you I believe are one of the funniest men in America. I would say the planet. But I don't speak other languages, so I don't know. But you're the funniest man in America now. And what I really admire, you're a hero of mine because you have just surrendered. You've just said, I'm going to be fat and lazy and I'm okay with that.

JIM: Yeah. Thank you for saying those -- but I think that there's a surrender, but there's also -- you know, my act and this show that is -- you know, you can download a free episode on i Tunes -- is all about an exploration of the id (phonetic). It's not how we should live. We don't want to -- we all want to lie in bed all day and eat bacon. But we can't. But that's romanticizing laziness and glut any is, you know -- it's the lesser of the sins. Right?

PAT: Right.

JIM: There's something about -- I'm not proposing that people consume the way I talk. You know, the funny thing is, people used to say. Gosh, you really talk. Your act, you sound like a morbidly obese person the way you joke about food. And now people come up to me and say, wow, you really joke a lot about food. Implying that I've gained a lot of weight.

But I don't know. Hopefully I'm romanticizing it. You know, when I wrote -- I do everything with my wife. And when we wrote Food: A Love Story, she was very insistent that we had a disclaimer in the beginning that said or more or less, this is no way to lead your life. I was like, I think you have to give people credit. They know I'm joking, you know.

GLENN: I have to tell you, Jim. You're crushing me. You are my hero up until about 45 seconds ago. I thought you did lay in bed all day and eat bacon.

JIM: I wish I could. I wish I could. But unfortunately, you know, I've got -- I've got a lot of kids. And I say a lot of kids because I don't know the real number because there's so many. I have a lot of kids, Glenn. I have an 11-year-old. A 9-year-old. A 6-year-old. A 3-year-old. A 2-year-old.

GLENN: You know what's causing that. Right?

You can't stop it.

JIM: Jesus caused it. No, I know what causes it. But, you know, I have to make some money.

GLENN: May I ask you a question. I read your book. What is it? Dad is Fat, which I just thought was hysterical. But the thought where you talk about the tarp was not enough over the living room at the birthing of your child at home. I wondered why someone would actually -- I mean, when there are modern hospitals, why you would birth a child at home.

JIM: Well, you know, this is right in your wheelhouse, Glenn. The home birth thing is real. It's -- it's -- we've been kind of brainwashed. And understandably. I understand your point of view that home birth is kind of like having someone inexperienced fix an airplane you're about to fly on. It sounds dangerous.

GLENN: No. It's not that it's dangerous. It's just the clean-up. And I'm a very, very big believer in, if I'm in pain, I must be in Cuba. I want medicine. I don't want pain.

JIM: Yeah. Oh, yeah. It's not like I had the kids. You know, my wife. I was sitting -- I was on more medication than her. But I think that -- look, we're human beings. We've been having -- I can't believe I'm talking about home birth. But we've been having babies for a long time. And there is -- there's been this -- I think this -- you know, it's -- that's how it used to be. You know, I'm from the Midwest. You know, my grandparents weren't born in a hospital probably. And so it's -- it's not something that we have been doing. There's less germs in your house than in a hospital. But now I sound like the home birth --

GLENN: No, I just want to know. Because there is a side of you, Jim. Not the stage side of you. There is a side of you -- my mother was born on the kitchen table. And my grandfather used to tell us all the time while we were eating. It didn't work for me.

JIM: Yeah.

GLENN: But there is a side of you that is a serious guy. And somewhat really odd.

JIM: Yeah. Well, thank you.

GLENN: You're welcome.

JIM: No, I'm a very misanthropic optimist. I think that I am -- you know, it's like -- you know, I'm kind of -- I think of myself as, you know, somebody that -- of our childhood. It seems like there was this time when like somebody could be kind of Catholic and cynical and they could be all these things and also open-hearted and stuff like that. I don't know. Anyway, what I'm saying is, I'm a great guy.

[laughter]

No, I think of myself, yeah, I'm definitely -- I mean, Glenn, I go on stage and make strangers laugh. There's nothing normal about that, you know what I mean?

GLENN: What's it like to be -- because I'm at the opposite end of the spectrum. I'm either loved or I'm absolutely hated. I think you're either loved or they just haven't seen you yet. What's it like to be universally loved? Tell me your sob story. Tell me the bad times.

JIM: That's very nice again. But here's the thing, I think there's also something about I serve as -- because I saw this even in the kind of rise in some of my popularity. There was all these anti-Bush comedians. There were the blue-collar guys that were kind of attacked for, you know -- I don't know what they were attacked for. And then there was me talking about muffins. You know what I mean? And so I'm the beneficiary of not -- not engaging -- well, it's what you do. Your job is to question things. Right?

From your point of view. And so what my -- I deal with the minutia. I think people come to my show as a break from --

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

JIM: You know what I mean?

PAT: No doubt about it.

JIM: Let me be clear. I've been doing stand up for a long time. I'm a pale blond guy where if I talk about things political, the audience tightens up.

GLENN: Yeah, I don't want you to. We've talked about this when you asked, you know, if I would be on your first episode. And I told the guys, I said, everybody is on this episode. He has everybody. Because we didn't want to know. And I don't want to know your political views. I don't want to know anything about you. Because you really are -- you're unspoiled. There's not many things we can go to anymore -- and where I can sit next to Rachel Maddow and the two of us could just laugh our faces off. That's really needed in America.

JIM: Well, thank you.

PAT: Plus, it's really hard to be funny and not dirty. And to be funny about muffins and Hot Pockets and kale is hard. What you do, Jim, is probably the toughest comedy in the country.

JIM: Well, thanks. I just kind of do what I do. I will say that if there is some negative -- I mean, there's nothing sexy about what I do. So --

GLENN: I mean, you're not scooping up the chicks afterwards, I'm sure.

JIM: No. And there's nothing -- and I'm grateful so that I can call in and I'm so grateful that you participated in the show. But there's nothing -- like, I'm never going to be on the cover of GQ. And that's fine. But there's -- there's also -- I'm like -- I had this joke -- my wife wouldn't let me do it. I wanted to call -- because the accusation that gets leveled at me is that I'm mainstream. So Republicans and Democrats both like my stuff. So some people say, oh, it's too mainstream. It's not niche enough. I wanted to call my tour [foreign language] which is French for mainstream. You know, but that's not that bad.

[laughter]

STU: Because in the show, the first episode, the Jim Gaffigan show, you have to get on i Tunes, it's a great show -- even with all your trying to stay away from controversy, you kind of get pulled into something on the show that kind of stems from a real incident. Right?

JIM: Yeah. Actually they're sampling different episodes. But the one that Glenn is in and that was on my website was inspired by the fact, I'm Catholic. And my wife is Shiite Catholic.

[laughter]

And that's very rare in the entertainment industry. It's like, look, I spent 15 years as an atheist. So it's like, I understand that like there is a somewhat of a disconnect of being this comedian. This cynical comedian to be a person of faith. So that was kind of inspired. It was actually inspired by when I wrote that book Dad is Fat. There was a Washington Post article that kind of identified me as the leader of a new Catholic evangelicalism. And I was like -- that was some of the -- the -- you know -- and I love the idea of being outed as a Christian in this day and age.

GLENN: It's a different world. Jim, we want to hit your tour. You can find out all about his tour on JimGaffigan.com. I want to thank you for not coming really anywhere close to you so we can see you. So we have to travel now.

JIM: I was just in Dallas.

GLENN: I was out of town that day. You didn't call, okay.

STU: You were supposed to schedule --

JIM: I know. I was very selfish.

GLENN: My children came. And they liked it. But big, fat dad had to be in another state.

JIM: You were probably publishing two books.

STU: Do you see a serious issue in the world of comedy, Jim, of that because you deal with this in the episode that Glenn is in which is you were outed as a hero of the Christian comedian movement. Then the entire world turns on you in one second because of something else you did and then all of a sudden you're the vicious enemy of all things religious. I feel like it's actually a real thing you're playing off here which is a constant search for outrage. Every time a comedian says anything, there's one side or the other that will come after them and try to attack them.

GLENN: Comedian, shut up.

PAT: Isn't it ruining comedy?

JIM: Yeah. I think there is something very interesting -- you know what I think it is? I think everybody really wants to look smart. And the way we can look smart is to identify mistakes people have made. And in social media, it's really easy to say, you spelled that word wrong. Or that -- you know, if you read that sentence wrong, it can -- you can be characterizing -- it can be characterized as homophobic. Look, words are important. But I also think that we're kind of getting away from like the bigger picture kind of stuff of, you know -- again, it's not -- it's not my wheelhouse. But, you know, there is this kind of outrage police that exists. And I think that it's important. I mean, obviously we don't want horrible things to happen. And things we -- things that rational or enlightened (phonetic) -- but those things that -- we're losing some of our sense of humor. You know, I'm glad that I'm married now because I can't imagine being flirtatious in this day and age. Maybe because I was so bad at it. But I remember having that thought, I wouldn't want to try to be flirtatious with a woman at a bar. I think that 15 years ago, you could kind of make a moron out of yourself and it wouldn't be the end of the day. But now, if you do that, it could be really ugly. And, you know, you wouldn't want, you know, to make someone uncomfortable. But I think now people are instructed to be more uncomfortable when we should let things kind of slide off our back like they used to.

GLENN: Jim Gaffigan. He has the Jim Gaffigan Show on i Tunes. And it is really, really funny. Worth watching. If you've never seen him before in person, grab a ticket. You will laugh all night. Truly, truly one of the funniest men in America today. Jim Gaffigan at JimGaffigan.com. Jim, thank you so much for including us in the show. We'd love to have you back. It's rare that we get a chance to really laugh hard and our audience loves you and we love you. And you're welcome here any time.

JIM: Thanks so much. I really appreciate it.

GLENN: God bless. JimGaffigan.com.

On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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