Only #BlackLivesMatter? Progressives shut down Democrat who tries to say “All Lives Matter”

Martin O’Malley spoke at the progressive Netroots Nation over the weekend and found himself under fire from Black Lives Matter activists. The activists interrupted the presidential hopeful as he tried to answer questions, was pressed to give specific examples of how he would end police brutality, and - most shockingly - was booed when he tried to say “All Lives Matter”.

TheBlaze reported:

In a raucous scene at the annual Netroots Nation convention of liberal activists, a large group of protesters streamed into the convention hall chanting, “Black lives matter!” as O’Malley was speaking to interviewer Jose Antonio Vargas. One of the group’s leaders took over the stage and addressed the audience as the largely female group of demonstrators railed against police-involved shootings, the treatment of immigrants and Arizona’s racial history.

Watch the video below:

While Pat and Stu enjoyed seeing liberals attack one another, they couldn't believe the vitriol directed at O'Malley for saying "all lives matter".

"Of course, all lives matter," Stu said. "That's the least controversial thing you should be able to say in society. And yet, it is met with with anger as if they came out and started joking about the Holocaust or something. Like it's, how dare you say they all matter! They don't all matter. I mean, that's an incredible moment. I mean, in a rational sane nation, isn't that an amazing moment in human history?"

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it may contain errors:

PAT: I've always loved it when liberals eat their own. It's fun to watch. And at the Netroots Convention. The Netroots Nation Convention. They were having this discussion with -- what's-his-face from Maryland.

STU: Martin O'Malley.

PAT: Martin O'Malley. Big discussion on all kinds of issues. Then they start hearing this chanting in the background. It gets louder. So they stop. And they wait. Then they invite them up on stage. Because what the heck. Let's find out what their social justice beef is too. Because you know it's some kind of social justice beef. And this black lives matter woman gets up on stage and starts explaining her beef.

VOICE: -- to work with immigrants of color from Africa, the Caribbean, and other countries, in order to advance a social and economic agenda to build a multiracial democracy. I want to welcome you to Arizona.

PAT: Yeah. Whatever that is. Yes.

STU: I love how this polite tone after they've just bowled themselves up on stage.

PAT: Yeah. After you've acted like children.

STU: You're screaming in the background. This is what kids do when they want something.

PAT: Yes. And, of course, they got it.

STU: When I'm in the middle of a conversation, and my son Zach wants me to fast-forward the commercials on Umizoomi, this is what he does. Daddy, daddy! That's what these protesters do. Unlike Zach, they get rewarded here. They get rewarded and they come on stage --

PAT: So Zach doesn't chant no justice, no peace? He doesn't do that.

STU: He says no justice, no peas. He doesn't like peas.

PAT: I don't blame him. I don't like peas either, unless they're fresh right out of the pot.

STU: Yeah, no. These are frozen.

PAT: Okay. That's not the same.

So she gets what she wants, and now all of a sudden she is super polite. What does this say to everybody who has some kind of issue that they want promoted? All they have to do is interrupt you in the middle of whatever you're doing. Get invited up on stage, and you can babble for however long you want to. And we'll just stand here and look at you while you do. The moderator was standing on one side. O'Malley was on the other. They were just both standing there, letting her do what she did. Really weird. I don't think I've ever seen it before.

VOICE: -- so much. So Netroots Nation being in Arizona is significant for several reasons, right?

PAT: So the Netroots Nation being in Arizona is significant for several reasons. She lists the reasons. You'll be excited.

VOICE: Arizona is indigenous land. We call this Phoenix, Arizona. But really the border was drawn, right, by white supremacists, Manifest Destiny.

JEFFY: Yes. Yes.

PAT: Thank you. It's about time someone finally said it.

STU: Yes.

PAT: They've said it before. But I'm glad she said it again, that the border was drawn by white supremacists.

STU: And there's some value to an idiotic the defense like this, that a supposedly mild serious presidential candidate is sitting here with what a lot of these people believe, when it comes to activists that, you know, the country is built on white supremacy and all this stuff. They have to treat it seriously and not just immediately dismiss it. Because they're right there.

PAT: Yeah.

STU: And they have to please the audience. But you would think they're also at the same time having to -- you know, extend some sort of rational thought. If they want to win the presidency, they can't win with this point, right? You can't say, hey, by the way, I also believe the borders were drawn by white supremacists and this is indigenous land.

PAT: I hope you can't win the presidency that way. I'm just not positive.

STU: Me either.

PAT: Listen to the response of this. She just said that the border was drawn by white supremacists, Manifest Destiny people. And listen to the response of this crowd.

(applauding)

PAT: Unbelievable.

VOICE: And without the innovations, right, of the indigenous people, right, building the canals, this would be an uninhabitable desert, correct?

PAT: Right? Right? Right?

STU: Right, Pat? Correct, Pat?

PAT: I'm looking for validation. Right? Right?

VOICE: I just want to give a little bit of context about what we're here to do today.

On Monday, that was the July 13th. It's the two-year anniversary of the black lives matter -- creation of the black lives matter hashtag. Right? Political projects.

STU: Wait. Are we celebrating anniversaries of the creation of hashtags? Is that a country that you want to live in?

PAT: No, it isn't. No, it isn't.

STU: Hey, we have now -- by the way, we have that retweet anniversary coming up. I mean, it's just -- it's really sad.

PAT: It's the retweet anniversary of, hey, listen to Pat & Stu. Yeah! It's the three-month anniversary of that, when we did a special show on Net Roots Nation. We'll be celebrating that three months from now.

STU: Wow.

PAT: Yeah. It's a celebration of the hashtag of black lives matter. Yeah!

VOICE: -- that has moved, right, from an online political project to an on-the-ground social justice initiative that has reignited the fight for racial justice, across the globe, right?

STU: Right?

PAT: Right?

VOICE: It's also the one-year anniversary marking the death of -- excuse me -- Eric Garner.

VOICE: Woo!

PAT: She gets a woo out of that.

STU: There's one KKK guy in the crowd. The death of Eric Garner.

PAT: We got that one done too. Yeah!

STU: That's a weird response to that.

PAT: The whole thing is so weird. So weird.

STU: This is the base, by the way. Let's not take this as here's this crazy woman on stage. This is the base of the party.

PAT: Listen to the response of her. They love her.

STU: They love her.

PAT: She's wearing a shirt that says black love or something like that. And she's representing black lives matter. And she's representing all these, I mean, just radical points of view. America hating radical points of view, we started as a white supremacist nation with Manifest Destiny. Which if Glenn were here, he would probably agree with some of these things. The Manifest Destiny thing, none of us are excited about.

And what Andrew Jackson did with the Native Americans and the number of times we lied to them. I mean, nobody is proud of that. But all of these issues for them to support her in them, it tells you a little something about where the Democrat and where the progressives are headed. The Democrat Party is heading down the same road as the progressives are. They're one and the same now. You can't discern between the two anymore.

STU: No. Remember, this is a conference that all the candidates went to -- it was part of the pilgrimage of the campaign.

PAT: They all must pay homage to Net Roots now.

STU: They all must go to the conference that not only apparently has people cheering the death of Eric Garner, which I find completely disturbing, but also celebrates hashtag anniversaries. It's sort of silly. But this woman is saying things that are -- you could find, until recently, only in the Peace and Freedom Party candidate, which is a socialist/communist party in the United States. Very small. You know, the Socialist Party USA. These sort of fringe parties. That's where you would find it. This is sort of the mainstream pilgrimage to the presidency. It's kind of an amazing turn.

PAT: The media never addresses it. It's always the Republicans. It's always the G.O.P. who are so far afield of mainstream America. But here you have Democrats, you know, making this pilgrimage to these radicals. It's never mentioned.

STU: Yeah. There's a Republican candidate who we spoke about a couple weeks ago, that was -- spoke at a conference in which cockfighting was promoted. So it wasn't -- his speech wasn't about cockfighting. There was no interaction about cockfighting. But there was a candidate who was there and spoke at a conference in which it was promoted and it was a big news story. Here we have every candidate from the Democrat side, going to a conference in which respectfully listen to the opinion that we're just a bunch of white supremacists and that Arizona really isn't the United States. And all of these opinions. And it's like, hmm, that's a very interesting intellectually point. By the way, the hashtag for black lives matter, it's the second anniversary coming up. It's a weird world. If there was any sort of media fairness, you would have people recognizing that this is nut world.

PAT: Yeah. It's nothing like the Democrat Party of the 1960s even, where JFK won the nomination and the presidency. JFK is pretty moderate. JFK was pretty much down the middle. He was not a left-wing guy. He was not a right-wing guy, necessarily. But he's a lot more conservative than any of these Democrats today, that's for sure.

STU: It's not even close.

PAT: When you have an avowed socialist, a Democratic socialist running for the Democrat nomination, that should tell you something. That would be like a Republican from the KKK running in the Republican Party. And everyone is fine with it. Yeah, whatever. They have a member from the KKK running for the party. It's almost that startling. It's almost that radical. It's someone perceived to be so far to the right and you have this socialist so far to the left. And no one is paying attention to it. The Democrats are still considered mainstream. How is that possible? To me, it's not.

STU: As much as we're mocking the one moment where they're saying, hey, it's been one year since the death of Eric Garner, and one person in the crowd went woo. That would be in every news story if it was at a Republican conference. If someone said, gosh, this is sad. You know, it's one year since the death of Eric Garner, and one person in the crowd went, woo!

PAT: The headline would all be G.O.P. cheers --

STU: As murdered black man is remembered.

PAT: Uh-huh.

STU: It would be the way that it would go down.

PAT: No doubt about it.

STU: We didn't even get to the best part of this Martin O'Malley thing. We didn't even get to the part where he says something really controversial and the crowd takes him down for that. We have to talk about that.

PAT: Yeah, we'll do that next. 877-727-BECK. More Pat and Stu for Glenn on the Glenn Beck Program coming up.

[BREAK]

PAT: With Pat and Stu. 877-727-BECK. We didn't even get to the most controversial part of -- after the uproar at the Netroots Nation Convention. And something like this happens every year, it seems like. Every year at this thing. It's a radical conference for radicals. And for some reason, the Democrats all play into the radical agenda. They all go. They all pay homage, and they really got caught up in it this time because the black lives matter people were chanting. So they allowed them up on stage. Go ahead. Say your piece. That didn't calm them down because then O'Malley starts talking again and they start yelling at him about black lives matter. Say it. They wanted him to say the names of the people who have been killed. They wanted him to say the name of the woman who had just died in police custody. No one even knows what happened to her yet. But they want him to say the name, as if -- I don't know what that does exactly. I guess it validates their point that the only people being killed by cops are black.

PAT: That's true. Only black people have been killed by police officers.

PAT: Except not. In fact, less black people have been killed by cops than white people.

STU: When you say less, you mean by half.

PAT: I mean less. By less, I mean less.

STU: You mean less than --

PAT: I mean less than half as many. So just -- you know, but that's beside the point.

STU: Okay.

PAT: So O'Malley starts speaking again. Here's what he said. I mean you tell me if you can say this in America today.

MARTIN: Black lives matter. White lives matter. All lives matter.

VOICE: No! Really? How many times people have killed police officers this year? How many?

VOICE: Exactly.

VOICE: How many? Stop saying that bull [bleep].

PAT: Listen -- listen to that. Black lives matter. White lives matter. The audience yells, no.

STU: No. They can't matter apparently.

PAT: No. White lives don't matter.

STU: Did you ever think that you'd be in a country where someone would say all lives matter, that would be disagreed with, with that passion? I mean, that is visceral anger. How dare you say that all lives matter! How dare you say it.

PAT: Yeah. And they don't even let him get to all lives matter before they start yelling at the white lives matter. How dare you say white lives matter. They don't I guess. In the scope of this movement --

JEFFY: Especially on the anniversary.

PAT: Oh, of the hashtag.

JEFFY: Of black lives matter.

STU: How is that controversial? It's the least controversial thing that's possible to say. All lives matter. It's not -- you know, we talk about it on the air. I think it's important to say apparently at this point and apparently we were on the mark with saying it because it's apparently important to point out. But in reality, it should just be the most meaningless, rainbow, sugar and spice thing you could say. Of course, all lives matter. That's the least controversial thing you should be able to say in society. And yet, it is met with --

PAT: Yes. That's what logic tells you.

STU: -- with anger as if they came out and started joking about the Holocaust or something. Like it's, how dare you say they all matter! They don't all matter. I mean, that's an incredible moment. I mean, in a rational sane nation, isn't that an amazing moment in human history?

PAT: It is. It is.

STU: Where you have people out there -- think of the times in history where that hasn't been true. There have been many cases where countries have decided that, you know what, not all lives matter. There have been many cases in history and we don't need to run through them. But have any of those turned out well?

PAT: No. I'm going to say no.

STU: I'll go with no. When you make a decision as a society that all life doesn't matter, you wind up really regretting that. It never turns out well. And to see visceral anger -- and you say, you know what, good for Martin O'Malley. Here's a guy that comes up. He's a Democrat. He takes a stand.

PAT: Hillary said it too. She was equally booed.

STU: Here's people taking a stand. But the update on Martin O'Malley, he apologized.

PAT: I'm so sorry I said white lives matter. I don't know what came over me. I got caught up in the moment. I shouldn't have said that. I know I'm white, and I was thinking for a second that maybe my own life matters. It doesn't. And neither do any of the whities I know. No whities. No crackers matter. Okay. I'm really sorry about that. He actually apologized for saying white lives matter. All lives matter.

STU: Uh-huh.

PAT: And black lives matter, by the way.

STU: That was the first one. He led with that.

PAT: And then, by the way, with this activist yelling and screaming at the end of this. Listen to it again.

MARTIN: Black lives matter. White lives matter. All lives matter.

VOICE: No! Really? How many times have people killed police officers this year? How many? Stop it. Stop saying that bull [bleep].

PAT: How many white people were killed by police officers this year? I thought so. Well, you didn't listen for the answer, hun.

STU: The actual answer to that, of course, 49 percent of people killed by police officers are white and 30 percent are black.

PAT: So it's not quite double. But it's close to double.

STU: Although, that is how I heard the question when we played the first time. Listen back, she actually asked another question, which was how many black people have killed police officers this year? As if a black person has never killed a police officer. I'll go out on a limb and say that's not true either.

PAT: Recently. It happened several times recently.

STU: We'll have to look at the numbers on that. But I guess they're not flattering.

PAT: Wow. Unbelievable.

STU: Of course, it will be more than zero. I can promise you that one.

PAT: More of the Glenn Beck Program with Pat and Stu coming up.

[BREAK]

PAT: With Pat and Stu. 877-727-BECK. 877-727-BECK.

Yeah. We mentioned that Martin O'Malley apologized for saying that black lives matter or white lives matter. All lives matter. And he got booed. As soon as he said white lives matter at the Net Roots Nation Convention. And he later apologized. I think it was the same day. He went over and -- but you -- and we mentioned he apologized. But you have to hear the apology. It's pretty amazing.

STU: Yeah. And the other thing too, as we're pulling that audio up. Not only did they -- they didn't boo when they said white lives matter, they said no.

PAT: That's true.

STU: It wasn't like, oh, come on. You're saying the wrong phrase. It was no! They don't matter! How dare you! And then he comes out and he has to apologize for it.

VOICE: But I want to ask something specifically. Because towards the end in your explanation, you said the phrase all lives matter. You said the phrase white lives matter.

PAT: Oh, no.

VOICE: But I want to ask you, do you understand the difference in responding in that conversation in that context with all lives matter or white lives matter, when we're specifically talking about black death? That is not all-inclusive.

MARTIN: I certainly do. In fact, I believe what I first said was black lives matter before those other two phrases.

STU: Stop. Stop.

PAT: Before those two other phrases which I can't even mention.

STU: He can't even say the phrases. He can't come out with the phrase. Even quoting himself, that all lives matter, first of all, I prioritize black people over white people. I want to be clear about that. I said black lives matter first. And then I did say those other phrases.

PAT: Then I did say ALM.

STU: And WLM. Which I will not -- the WLM phrase, white lives matter, you can't even say it. He's editing himself because he doesn't want to be on camera again saying the phrase all lives matter.

This is one of the two main political parties in the country. This is not -- this is not some crazy --

PAT: I'm just stunned.

STU: Group of -- I mean, it is a crazy group. But this is supposed to mainstream. And they can't -- he can't bring himself to say all lives matter?

PAT: No. Not in this context. For some reason, we can only speak of black lives now. Even though white people are dying and have died at the hands of cop at a higher rate than black.

STU: Yeah, 49 percent of people killed by officers are white. 30 percent are black.

PAT: And, by the way, in the past several years, it's been about double. In the past like -- I think it was since 2009, it's close to double the number of white people dead by cop compared to white people dead by cop. Or black -- white people to black people. It's almost twice as many.

STU: The argument against that will be, well, white people are a higher part of the population. They will probably be a higher amount. Which is fair. If you want to use the rate, that's fair. However, you have to also use the rate and apply it to the questions she actually asked. Which was, hey, when was the last time a black person killed a police officer? Interesting question. Are you ready for the answer? Blacks make up 13 percent of the population. Are responsible for 42 percent of all cop killers.

PAT: Wow.

STU: So while you would say, okay, look the rate is significantly higher, you can't not use the rate in one and use the rate in the other. Of course, that's what the left tries to do. The bottom line is, these numbers aren't flattering. These numbers aren't flattering. You don't want to get into a numbers conversation. You could say there are justifications for those numbers. There are a lot of -- there are longer nuanced arguments that we've had many times on this program as to why those numbers occur. But the numbers aren't flattering. This cause does not have statistics they want to quote.

PAT: The numbers aren't on their side. That's for sure.

STU: Which is why, by the way, they attach to -- these activists attach to high-profile cases like Eric Garner where it looks like something actually was wrong that was done.

PAT: Which we said, by the way. Over and over again.

STU: Yeah. Let's see. I do have the number off the top of my head. It's 200 or so reported killings of blacks by police officers.

The vast majority of those, however, were justified. There wasn't even really a controversy. You know, there are criminals that do things. That doesn't mean all black people are criminals by any means. It just means that sometimes criminals happen to be black and these things happen. And cops shoot someone who happens to be black, the person dies, and it was actually completely justified. And we see that in most of these cases, even the ones that were controversial. Michael Brown comes to mind. There was this huge controversy. Until you actually saw the report, until you learned that he was potentially wanted for a crime just moments before. He had an altercation inside the car, all these details come out. Then you find out, well, maybe it was justified. The vast majority of them justified. Those are controversial cases. You don't hear about the one where the guy is pointing a gun at an officer and he shoots him after being shot at. No one brings those cases to light because they don't advance anyone's agenda. But those happen all the time to good officers who are sitting there defending their lives trying to get home to their kids. Happens all the time.

PAT: Yeah.

STU: And those are never promoted. Al Sharpton never shows up in those towns.

PAT: That's for sure. Meanwhile, the O'Malley apology continues.

MARTIN: I said those other two phrases, I meant no disrespect to the point which I understand and that black lives matter is making.

PAT: And I understand that white lives don't matter. I don't know why I said they did when they don't. And all lives don't matter either. Only black lives matter. And I understand that now.

STU: The guy is white.

PAT: I get it.

STU: He can't say his own life matters? He can't even bring himself to admit that his own life matters?

PAT: Not in this context, Stu. Not in this context.

MARTIN: For many years -- many years ago, when I ran for mayor of Baltimore -- a majority African-American city, when we had allowed ourselves to become the most violent, part of what I called us to as a people was to the justice of realizing that, yes, black lives matter. And when we allow ourselves to assume that every year as a city we just to have accept that 300 young black men will die violent deaths --

PAT: And, by the way, different issue here. It's a separate issue. 300 black men dying violent deaths is almost always at the hand of another black man.

STU: Uh-huh.

PAT: That is a completely different issue. You're mixing apples with oranges here. You're not talking about cops killing blacks anymore.

STU: Right. It's embarrassing when you're analyzing what he's saying. He's saying, well, we're the most violent city in the country. Was that because of white cops killing blacks? Was that the reason for that?

PAT: No, it's a total separate issue. It's black-on-black crime, the same problem they have in Chicago and elsewhere. The same problem that nobody wants to deal with. Nobody wants to talk about that. Nobody wants to discuss any other reasons that might lead to that. And search for real solutions to those problems, nobody wants to deal with it.

STU: Give you a rough estimate of these numbers. About 200 or so killings of blacks by white police officers -- or by police officers in general. Some of them are black police officers. 200 nationwide police officers killing blacks, the vast majority were justified and not even really questioned highly.

There were 30 times that amount of blacks killed by blacks. 6,000.

PAT: Wow. Wow.

STU: What do you do with that?

PAT: Yeah, what do you do with that? That's the problem he's talking about with Baltimore.

STU: He's mixing these issues to make him seem like he's tough on them. At the same time, he's trying to act tough while he's saying things like, those other two phrases. Those other two phrases, you can't bring yourself to say that people's lives matter?

PAT: So bad. Really bad.

MARTIN: We have to do a checkup from the neck up and realize as a people --

PAT: That's a nice phrase. Checkup from the neck up.

STU: Wait. Take that phrase and stop saying it. How about that? What year is it? It's 2015.

PAT: We have to do a checkup from the neck up is what --

STU: Unfortunately I used the phrase checkup from the neck up. I will no longer be using that phrase. That would be a positive for your campaign, Martin.

MARTIN: We would have a different reaction to this as a state and as a metro area and as a city. So I meant that as a mistake on my part. And I meant no disrespect. And I didn't mean to be insensitive in any way or to communicate that I did not understand the tremendous passion, commitment, and -- and feeling -- and depth of feeling that all of us should be attaching to this issue.

PAT: Wow.

STU: I feel like he should drop the mic and run because he's just embarrassing himself. He just said it was a mistake -- the word mistake was used when describing the phrase all lives matter.

I mean, what kind of insane group of people is this? You can't say that people's lives matter comfortably anymore.

PAT: It's an insane group of people who have been running this country for six years now. Going on seven.

STU: I guess this is what you get.

PAT: We're getting what we voted for sadly. We specifically didn't. But the nation as a whole did. When we put him in office. We're reaping the benefits right now. I don't know how else to put it. And if we vote -- if this nation chooses Hillary or God forbid, Bernie Sanders or Martin O'Malley, a guy who apologizes saying black lives matter, white lives matter, all lives matter, we're -- how do you survive that? Another four to eight years? I really don't know. 877-727-BECK. 877-727-BECK. More of the Glenn Beck Program with Pat and Stu coming up.

Featured Image: PHOENIX, AZ - JULY 18: Former Gov. Martin O'Malley (D-MD) (R), and moderator Jose Antonio Vargas (R), listen to Tia Oso, the National Coordinator for the Black Immigration Network, during an interruption to O'Malley's speech, at the Netroots Nation 2015 Presidential Town Hall with at the Phoenix Convention Center July 18, 2015 in Phoenix, Arizona. The Democratic presidential candidate was challenged on his record of criminal injustice during his time as mayor and governor. (Photo by Charlie Leight/Getty Images)

Trump v. Slaughter: The Deep State on trial

JIM WATSON / Contributor | Getty Images

The administrative state has long operated as an unelected super-government. Trump v. Slaughter may be the moment voters reclaim authority over their own institutions.

Washington is watching and worrying about a U.S. Supreme Court case that could very well define the future of American self-government. And I don’t say that lightly. At the center of Trump v. Slaughter is a deceptively simple question: Can the president — the one official chosen by the entire nation — remove the administrators and “experts” who wield enormous, unaccountable power inside the executive branch?

This isn’t a technical fight. It’s not a paperwork dispute. It’s a turning point. Because if the answer is no, then the American people no longer control their own government. Elections become ceremonial. The bureaucracy becomes permanent. And the Constitution becomes a suggestion rather than the law of the land.

A government run by experts instead of elected leaders is not a republic. It’s a bureaucracy with a voting booth bolted onto the front to make us feel better.

That simply cannot be. Justice Neil Gorsuch summed it up perfectly during oral arguments on Monday: “There is no such thing in our constitutional order as a fourth branch of government that’s quasi-judicial and quasi-legislative.”

Yet for more than a century, the administrative state has grown like kudzu — quietly, relentlessly, and always in one direction. Today we have a fourth branch of government: unelected, unaccountable, insulated from consequence. Congress hands off lawmaking to agencies. Presidents arrive with agendas, but the bureaucrats remain, and they decide what actually gets done.

If the Supreme Court decides that presidents cannot fire the very people who execute federal power, they are not just rearranging an org chart. The justices are rewriting the structure of the republic. They are confirming what we’ve long feared: Here, the experts rule, not the voters.

A government run by experts instead of elected leaders is not a republic. It’s a bureaucracy with a voting booth bolted onto the front to make us feel better.

The founders warned us

The men who wrote the Constitution saw this temptation coming. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison in the Federalist Papers hammered home the same principle again and again: Power must remain traceable to the people. They understood human nature far too well. They knew that once administrators are protected from accountability, they will accumulate power endlessly. It is what humans do.

That’s why the Constitution vests the executive power in a single president — someone the entire nation elects and can unelect. They did not want a managerial council. They did not want a permanent priesthood of experts. They wanted responsibility and authority to live in one place so the people could reward or replace it.

So this case will answer a simple question: Do the people still govern this country, or does a protected class of bureaucrats now run the show?

Not-so-expert advice

Look around. The experts insisted they could manage the economy — and produced historic debt and inflation.

The experts insisted they could run public health — and left millions of Americans sick, injured, and dead while avoiding accountability.

The experts insisted they could steer foreign policy — and delivered endless conflict with no measurable benefit to our citizens.

And through it all, they stayed. Untouched, unelected, and utterly unapologetic.

If a president cannot fire these people, then you — the voter — have no ability to change the direction of your own government. You can vote for reform, but you will get the same insiders making the same decisions in the same agencies.

That is not self-government. That is inertia disguised as expertise.

A republic no more?

A monarchy can survive a permanent bureaucracy. A dictatorship can survive a permanent bureaucracy. A constitutional republic cannot. Not for long anyway.

We are supposed to live in a system where the people set the course, Congress writes the laws, and the president carries them out. When agencies write their own rules, judges shield them from oversight, and presidents are forbidden from removing them, we no longer live in that system. We live in something else — something the founders warned us about.

And the people become spectators of their own government.

JIM WATSON / Contributor | Getty Images

The path forward

Restoring the separation of powers does not mean rejecting expertise. It means returning expertise to its proper role: advisory, not sovereign.

No expert should hold power that voters cannot revoke. No agency should drift beyond the reach of the executive. No bureaucracy should be allowed to grow branches the Constitution never gave it.

The Supreme Court now faces a choice that will shape American life for a generation. It can reinforce the Constitution, or it can allow the administrative state to wander even farther from democratic control.

This case isn’t about President Trump. It isn’t about Rebecca Slaughter, the former Federal Trade Commission official suing to get her job back. It’s about whether elections still mean anything — whether the American people still hold the reins of their own government.

That is what is at stake: not procedure, not technicalities, but the survival of a system built on the revolutionary idea that the citizens — not the experts — are the ones who rule.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

1 in 20 Canadians die by MAID—Is this 'compassion'?

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Medical assistance in dying isn’t health care. It’s the moment a Western democracy decided some lives aren’t worth saving, and it’s a warning sign we can’t ignore.

Canada loves to lecture America about compassion. Every time a shooting makes the headlines, Canadian commentators cannot wait to discuss how the United States has a “culture of death” because we refuse to regulate guns the way enlightened nations supposedly do.

But north of our border, a very different crisis is unfolding — one that is harder to moralize because it exposes a deeper cultural failure.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order.

The Canadian government is not only permitting death, but it’s also administering, expanding, and redefining it as “medical care.” Medical assistance in dying is no longer a rare, tragic exception. It has become one of the country’s leading causes of death, offered to people whose problems are treatable, whose conditions are survivable, and whose value should never have been in question.

In Canada, MAID is now responsible for nearly 5% of all deaths — 1 out of every 20 citizens. And this is happening in a country that claims the moral high ground over American gun violence. Canada now records more deaths per capita from doctors administering lethal drugs than America records from firearms. Their number is 37.9 deaths per 100,000 people. Ours is 13.7. Yet we are the country supposedly drowning in a “culture of death.”

No lecture from abroad can paper over this fact: Canada has built a system where eliminating suffering increasingly means eliminating the sufferer.

Choosing death over care

One example of what Canada now calls “compassion” is the case of Jolene Bond, a woman suffering from a painful but treatable thyroid condition that causes dangerously high calcium levels, bone deterioration, soft-tissue damage, nausea, and unrelenting pain. Her condition is severe, but it is not terminal. Surgery could help her. And in a functioning medical system, she would have it.

But Jolene lives under socialized medicine. The specialists she needs are either unavailable, overrun with patients, or blocked behind bureaucratic requirements she cannot meet. She cannot get a referral. She cannot get an appointment. She cannot reach the doctor in another province who is qualified to perform the operation. Every pathway to treatment is jammed by paperwork, shortages, and waitlists that stretch into the horizon and beyond.

Yet the Canadian government had something else ready for her — something immediate.

They offered her MAID.

Not help, not relief, not a doctor willing to drive across a provincial line and simply examine her. Instead, Canada offered Jolene a state-approved death. A lethal injection is easier to obtain than a medical referral. Killing her would be easier than treating her. And the system calls that compassion.

Bureaucracy replaces medicine

Jolene’s story is not an outlier. It is the logical outcome of a system that cannot keep its promises. When the machinery of socialized medicine breaks down, the state simply replaces care with a final, irreversible “solution.” A bureaucratic checkbox becomes the last decision of a person’s life.

Canada insists its process is rigorous, humane, and safeguarded. Yet the bureaucracy now reviewing Jolene’s case is not asking how she can receive treatment; it is asking whether she has enough signatures to qualify for a lethal injection. And the debate among Canadian officials is not how to preserve life, but whether she has met the paperwork threshold to end it.

This is the dark inversion that always emerges when the state claims the power to decide when life is no longer worth living. Bureaucracy replaces conscience. Eligibility criteria replace compassion. A panel of physicians replaces the family gathered at a bedside. And eventually, the “right” to die becomes an expectation — especially for those who are poor, elderly, or alone.

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The logical end of a broken system

We ignore this lesson at our own peril. Canada’s health care system is collapsing under demographic pressure, uncontrolled migration, and the unavoidable math of government-run medicine.

When the system breaks, someone must bear the cost. MAID has become the release valve.

The ideology behind this system is already drifting south. In American medical journals and bioethics conferences, you will hear this same rhetoric. The argument is always dressed in compassion. But underneath, it reduces the value of human life to a calculation: Are you useful? Are you affordable? Are you too much of a burden?

The West was built on a conviction that every human life has inherent value. That truth gave us hospitals before it gave us universities. It gave us charity before it gave us science. It is written into the Declaration of Independence.

Canada’s MAID program reveals what happens when a country lets that foundation erode. Life becomes negotiable, and suffering becomes a justification for elimination.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order. If compassion becomes indistinguishable from convenience, and if medicine becomes indistinguishable from euthanasia, the West will have abandoned the very principles that built it. That is the lesson from our northern neighbor — a warning, not a blueprint.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

A Sharia enclave is quietly taking root in America. It's time to wake up.

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Sharia-based projects like the Meadow in Texas show how political Islam grows quietly, counting on Americans to stay silent while an incompatible legal system takes root.

Apolitical system completely incompatible with the Constitution is gaining ground in the United States, and we are pretending it is not happening.

Sharia — the legal and political framework of Islam — is being woven into developments, institutions, and neighborhoods, including a massive project in Texas. And the consequences will be enormous if we continue to look the other way.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

Before we can have an honest debate, we’d better understand what Sharia represents. Sharia is not simply a set of religious rules about prayer or diet. It is a comprehensive legal and political structure that governs marriage, finance, criminal penalties, and civic life. It is a parallel system that claims supremacy wherever it takes hold.

This is where the distinction matters. Many Muslims in America want nothing to do with Sharia governance. They came here precisely because they lived under it. But political Islam — the movement that seeks to implement Sharia as law — is not the same as personal religious belief.

It is a political ideology with global ambitions, much like communism. Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently warned that Islamist movements do not seek peaceful coexistence with the West. They seek dominance. History backs him up.

How Sharia arrives

Political Islam does not begin with dramatic declarations. It starts quietly, through enclaves that operate by their own rules. That is why the development once called EPIC City — now rebranded as the Meadow — is so concerning. Early plans framed it as a Muslim-only community built around a mega-mosque and governed by Sharia-compliant financing. After state investigations were conducted, the branding changed, but the underlying intent remained the same.

Developers have openly described practices designed to keep non-Muslims out, using fees and ownership structures to create de facto religious exclusivity. This is not assimilation. It is the construction of a parallel society within a constitutional republic.

The warning from those who have lived under it

Years ago, local imams in Texas told me, without hesitation, that certain Sharia punishments “just work.” They spoke about cutting off hands for theft, stoning adulterers, and maintaining separate standards of testimony for men and women. They insisted it was logical and effective while insisting they would never attempt to implement it in Texas.

But when pressed, they could not explain why a system they consider divinely mandated would suddenly stop applying once someone crossed a border.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

AASHISH KIPHAYET / Contributor | Getty Images

America is vulnerable

Europe is already showing us where this road leads. No-go zones, parallel courts, political intimidation, and clerics preaching supremacy have taken root across major cities.

America’s strength has always come from its melting pot, but assimilation requires boundaries. It requires insisting that the Constitution, not religious law, is the supreme authority on this soil.

Yet we are becoming complacent, even fearful, about saying so. We mistake silence for tolerance. We mistake avoidance for fairness. Meanwhile, political Islam views this hesitation as weakness.

Religious freedom is one of America’s greatest gifts. Muslims may worship freely here, as they should. But political Islam must not be permitted to plant a flag on American soil. The Constitution cannot coexist with a system that denies equal rights, restricts speech, subordinates women, and places clerical authority above civil law.

Wake up before it is too late

Projects like the Meadow are not isolated. They are test runs, footholds, proofs of concept. Political Islam operates with patience. It advances through demographic growth, legal ambiguity, and cultural hesitation — and it counts on Americans being too polite, too distracted, or too afraid to confront it.

We cannot afford that luxury. If we fail to defend the principles that make this country free, we will one day find ourselves asking how a parallel system gained power right in front of us. The answer will be simple: We looked away.

The time to draw boundaries and to speak honestly is now. The time to defend the Constitution as the supreme law of the land is now. Act while there is still time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Why do Americans feel so empty?

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Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.