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Glenn's Show Prep

Rep. Louie Gohmert might be the last member of Congress on Glenn's radio show

October 23, 2015
Ted Tuttle

Editor

Towards the end of his radio program Friday, Glenn spoke with Rep Louie Gohmert to discuss the Speaker of the House situation.

Right away, Glenn told Gohmert, "you may be our last guest from Congress ever on this show."

Gohmert seemed to share Glenn's frustration with the conservative members of Congress who are now lining up to support Paul Ryan as Speaker of the House.

"You understand what a rare person it is that will give up power like Washington did," Gohmert said.

Speaking of Daniel Webster, who Glenn did his homework on and endorsed, Gohmert added, "He has shown, he can give up power of his own and get it back to the members."

Listen to the dialogue or read the transcript below.

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors.

GLENN: We're just stalling -- Louie is on now. Let's go to Louie. Hello, Louie, how are you?

LOUIE: Well, as far as I know, but I'll take Gary Cooper for 100.

GLENN: All right. So, Louie, we're debating right now, you may be our last guest from Congress ever on this show.

LOUIE: Oh, no.

GLENN: Seriously.

LOUIE: Somebody around here has got to keep up the hope.

GLENN: Well, it's not us. It's not us. I am -- I just had Barry Loudermilk -- what do you think of Barry Loudermilk?

LOUIE: I like him. I like him a lot.

GLENN: Okay. Well, that doesn't work out well then for what I'm about to tell you. Because I was mad as hell, and I had him earlier this broadcast. And we had very cross --

LOUIE: Is he falling in line to support Paul Ryan?

GLENN: Yes, he has. Yes, he has.

LOUIE: Okay.

GLENN: And he told us because Paul has told him he's going to do the right thing this time. And he didn't know -- the first time when it was Daniel Webster, he didn't know who Daniel Webster was. And this time when it was Daniel Webster, he didn't even know who it was. He had to Google him.

PAT: So...

LOUIE: Okay.

GLENN: But he's voting for Paul Ryan because he has a grandchild, so it's for the children.

LOUIE: Wow, okay. Okay. Well, and that would be a reason that I would especially stay with my pledge to support Dan. I mean, you know. You've studied this stuff. And even back when you were on Fox and you had your blackboard and you were doing all this, Glenn. You understand what a rare person it is that will give up power like Washington did.

GLENN: Yes.

LOUIE: And you told us stories of that man. So, yeah, you know, Dan doesn't have the voting record that -- that I do or Thomas Massie that just walked in my office here. But he has shown, he can -- he can give up power of his own and get it back to the members. And, really, if we did that in this Congress, where we know two-thirds to three-fourths represent very conservative districts, but for years now, since -- actually since Tom DeLay was thrown out because he got indicted, we elected John Boehner as our leader. And we -- it has been nine years of marginalizing the two-thirds to three-fourths of our conference that was very conservative, and getting them to march to the tune of the moderates. And so I thought this was a real opportunity. And I didn't just think it. It is. It has been. And here we go. We're --

GLENN: Yeah, we've blown it again.

LOUIE: And this goes back. And Steve King told me before, God, you remember so many of these details. And I don't know. But it -- but going back to 2006 -- yeah, you told me I got 12 minutes. All right. I'll get this in.

Back in 2006, Bush had been pushing -- I'm a freshman. Bush was pushing to reform Social Security, and nobody was ready to jump on board, or not enough people for what he wanted to do. But I was talking to guys, and I felt like we had a movement going forward. I was excited. How about if we just do an initial reform by putting real money in the Social Security lockbox? And Al Gore there. But, anyway, because since the 1930s, as you know, they have immediately spent Social Security money as it went into the trust fund. There's never been anything to talk about. Nothing, but nonnegotiable IOUs. So how about if you put real money in there, made some kind of interest-bearing bonds, and we could be growing interest on that money instead of growing nothing and spending as it comes in.

And I got excited. A lot of guys were getting excited. Yeah, this could be -- we could probably get Democrats to vote for this. And so I went to the guy -- this was back in early 2006, that -- you know, so many of us have respect for on financial issues. I said, "Paul, what about if we, you know, put real money in Social Security. I think we got enough people to do it. I think we can get Democrat votes." He said, "Louie, we could never do that." And I said, "Why not?" I was shocked.

He said, "Well, because if we put real money in the Social Security trust fund, we end up buying bonds and securities, and we end up playing into the security market. We could never ever under any circumstances allow the government to do that."

And so imagine my surprise when two years later, I'm hearing my friend Paul down there in the well of the House telling people that we have to do the Wall Street bailout. We've got to do TARP because only the federal government has enough money and wherewithal to buy these mortgage-backed securities and hold them until they had value. I'm going, "Gosh, I wish that guy had been around back in 2006. We could have started reform on Social Security."

And I just knew TARP was so wrong. And it opened -- you know, I liked George W. Bush, but I think that was a bigger mistake than Iraq because it opened this door to everything Obama has done.

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

LOUIE: No way Obama gets $900 billion in January if Bush doesn't get 700 billion back in October. It opened the door to all kinds of calamities.

And, also, there's also a reason Louie Gutierrez is a big fan of Paul's because of similar positions on amnesty. And some of the guys around here say, if we do an amnesty, we're done. Texas goes blue. You know, things go blue. And it's lost. Because people, as you've been trying to educate, you have to understand about the responsibilities before you're allowed to vote. And when you bring them in and say, "Here. Learn how to get benefits," you're not ready to vote yet. So, anyway --

GLENN: So, Louie.

LOUIE: One other point though. This is so critical to me. It's a big issue to me.

GLENN: Well, you're the last congressman we'll ever have on this show. So go ahead. Go out in style.

LOUIE: Okay. Well, in the late '70s, Democrats and Republicans all agreed, if DC were ever going to have a full voting US representative, you have to amend the Constitution. They got it passed through Congress with two-thirds. Didn't get three-fourths of the states to ratify it. And so it didn't become an amendment.

So when we're in the minority in like '07, the Democrats bring a bill to amend the Constitution legislatively. And my friend and the guy I respect, Paul Ryan, supported it. He voted for it. And I'm telling you, there's just too many mistakes like that that are so foundational.

GLENN: They're not mistakes. Look, the G.O.P. has signed itself over to the -- to the Mitt Romneys of the world. And -- and, you know, that's -- that's where they're going. They're just going to ignore the people on the street that believe that we should return to a constitutional government. A constitutional republic. And do the things that the people want to do. I'm convinced that people like Paul Ryan -- I don't know Paul himself. But people like him. The G.O.P. kind of guys. They despise the average person that votes G.O.P. They just don't -- they think we're stupid. They don't agree with us. And, you know, you just don't know. You know, when you have somebody like Barry Loudermilk who comes on and says, "We have to return to the basic values. And I will go. And I need leadership. And I will vote against John Boehner." And then he votes for John Boehner. It's just, "Well, things have changed. I didn't understand. I'm more enlightened now that I'm here." That's ridiculous.

LOUIE: I don't know. But I can tell you though there is a remnant. Hey, Thomas, say hi to Glenn Beck.

THOMAS: How you doing, Glenn? This is Thomas Massie.

GLENN: Hey, Thomas.

LOUIE: Even though he went to MIT, he's a hero of mine. He's a smart guy.

GLENN: Thomas was on the show with us yesterday.

LOUIE: I just love him.

GLENN: Tom, I have to tell you, we have two people -- this is going out in style. You two are the last congressmen and senators we're ever going to have on this show. Because I can't do it anymore. I can't do it anymore. And I don't think the American people can do it anymore. We're sitting here. We're in here pitching for you. We want to help you.

LOUIE: Yeah, you have been.

GLENN: But every time the people call, they do things, it ends up that friends of yours betray us. And it's like --

LOUIE: Well...

GLENN: Where do we go, Tom? Where do we go, Thomas?

THOMAS: Look, apathy is the enemy. Don't let apathy get to you. Don't let it get to the listeners.

GLENN: It's not apathy. It's betrayal. Over and over and over again. It's just betrayal.

THOMAS: I know it's so tough. So many people put their faith in other men and women who have let them down. But there are a few of us up here who are not giving up. I guarantee you.

LOUIE: Well, I got to tell you, Glenn, we've been a little flippant here. But I know you're crushed. And I can tell you, I'm lower than a snake's belly in a wagon rut.

(laughter)

LOUIE: This is not a happy time for me right now. I mean, you know...

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: You know what, because there are -- I know there is a handful of guys who are really, really great. You two are two of them. I trust you. I can't believe those words are coming out of my mouth after the past few days, but I trust you two. And you guys have never let us down. And you guys are way out on the limb. You know, maybe what I would like to do is, I would like to sit down with the -- whoever it is -- and I want -- I want to know their name. And I want to look them in the eye and I want to know, "We're going to the wall. We're never going to sit down. We're never going to shut up." And maybe we just make this, you know, a caucus, if you will. And we know exactly who those guys are. And those are the only people that we're supporting. Because I can't take it anymore. I can't take the betrayal anymore.

LOUIE: Well, I understand that.

THOMAS: Keep this in mind, Glenn. The establishment here is terrified. They're actually scared.

GLENN: They have a strange way of showing it.

THOMAS: Well, Speaker Boehner is gone. Kevin McCarthy is not moving up. Eric Cantor HEP lost. These are three of their top generals who lost in the last 18 months.

GLENN: Right, but they just replaced him with Paul Ryan who will be stronger than any of those guys.

THOMAS: We will -- we will see. I mean, I hope he succeeds. I'm not hoping --

GLENN: Right. Right.

THOMAS: If he wins, I mean, we still have a race. There's still an election. I'm still for the Daniel Webster. But even if he should prevail, you know, we want him to succeed.

GLENN: Right. I get that. And I said to Barry Loudermilk today, we had him on the show. And he did not have a pleasant appearance on the program.

THOMAS: Oh, I'm sorry.

GLENN: I'm just mad as hell. But, you know, I said to him, I said, "Look, Barry, I appreciate the fact that you came on, you took the heat. And you add to stood here. He's the only one. We called all of them. None of them would come on. He actually did. And he stated his case. And I said, "Look, I'll be the first to say, thank God, you were right, but what do you -- what evidence do you have?" This happens this way every single time. And then we always say, "Well, I trusted him that time."

LOUIE: As an old history major with four years in the Army, you know, are destined to repeat it. When somebody has a long history, not just once -- and I'll tell you, John voted for the Wall Street bailout and he immediately after said, "I am so sorry. Worst vote of my life. I never should have done that." Well, I can respect a guy that at least acknowledged that. You know, I liked Romney, but he would never admit that Romneycare was a disaster. That would have helped.

GLENN: I know.

LOUIE: But anyway --

GLENN: Hang on. Louie, I have to -- I'm sorry. I have a network break. And I appreciate it.

LOUIE: I know how that goes.

GLENN: And thank you guys for actually having a spine and standing. If you can get me a list of names. I would love to put that on and broadcast so everybody knows who these people are who actually are standing. Because I ain't going to forget the names that didn't.

LOUIE: Our spines are stout, but we might need you to prop up our dead stout bodies.

GLENN: Thank you so much. I appreciate it. God bless you. Buh-bye.

From Pharaoh to Hamas: The same spirit of evil, new disguise

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

The drone footage out of Gaza isn’t just war propaganda — it’s a glimpse of the same darkness that once convinced men they were righteous for killing innocents.

Evil introduces itself subtly. It doesn’t announce, “Hi, I’m here to destroy you.” It whispers. It flatters. It borrows the language of justice, empathy, and freedom, twisting them until hatred sounds righteous and violence sounds brave.

We are watching that same deception unfold again — in the streets, on college campuses, and in the rhetoric of people who should know better. It’s the oldest story in the world, retold with new slogans.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage.

A drone video surfaced this week showing Hamas terrorists staging the “discovery” of a hostage’s body. They pushed a corpse out of a window, dragged it into a hole, buried it, and then called in aid workers to “find” what they themselves had planted. It was theater — evil, disguised as victimhood. And it was caught entirely on camera.

That’s how evil operates. It never comes in through the front door. It sneaks in, often through manipulative pity. The same spirit animates the moral rot spreading through our institutions — from the halls of universities to the chambers of government.

Take Zohran Mamdani, a New York assemblyman who has praised jihadists and defended pro-Hamas agitators. His father, a Columbia University professor, wrote that America and al-Qaeda are morally equivalent — that suicide bombings shouldn’t be viewed as barbaric. Imagine thinking that way after watching 3,000 Americans die on 9/11. That’s not intellectualism. That’s indoctrination.

Often, that indoctrination comes from hostile foreign actors, peddled by complicit pawns on our own soil. The pro-Hamas protests that erupted across campuses last year, for example, were funded by Iran — a regime that murders its own citizens for speaking freely.

Ancient evil, new clothes

But the deeper danger isn’t foreign money. It’s the spiritual blindness that lets good people believe resentment is justice and envy is discernment. Scripture talks about the spirit of Amalek — the eternal enemy of God’s people, who attacks the weak from behind while the strong look away. Amalek never dies; it just changes its vocabulary and form with the times.

Today, Amalek tweets. He speaks through professors who defend terrorism as “anti-colonial resistance.” He preaches from pulpits that call violence “solidarity.” And he recruits through algorithms, whispering that the Jews control everything, that America had it coming, that chaos is freedom. Those are ancient lies wearing new clothes.

When nations embrace those lies, it’s not the Jews who perish first. It’s the nations themselves. The soul dies long before the body. The ovens of Auschwitz didn’t start with smoke; they started with silence and slogans.

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

A time for choosing

So what do we do? We speak truth — calmly, firmly, without venom. Because hatred can’t kill hatred; it only feeds it. Truth, compassion, and courage starve it to death.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage. That’s how Amalek survives — by making you fight him with his own weapons. The only victory that lasts is moral clarity without malice, courage without cruelty.

The war we’re fighting isn’t new. It’s the same battle between remembrance and amnesia, covenant and chaos, humility and pride. The same spirit that whispered to Pharaoh, to Hitler, and to every mob that thought hatred could heal the world is whispering again now — on your screens, in your classrooms, in your churches.

Will you join it, or will you stand against it?

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Bill Gates ends climate fear campaign, declares AI the future ruler

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

The Big Tech billionaire once said humanity must change or perish. Now he claims we’ll survive — just as elites prepare total surveillance.

For decades, Americans have been told that climate change is an imminent apocalypse — the existential threat that justifies every intrusion into our lives, from banning gas stoves to rationing energy to tracking personal “carbon scores.”

Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates helped lead that charge. He warned repeatedly that the “climate disaster” would be the greatest crisis humanity would ever face. He invested billions in green technology and demanded the world reach net-zero emissions by 2050 “to avoid catastrophe.”

The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch.

Now, suddenly, he wants everyone to relax: Climate change “will not lead to humanity’s demise” after all.

Gates was making less of a scientific statement and more of a strategic pivot. When elites retire a crisis, it’s never because the threat is gone — it’s because a better one has replaced it. And something else has indeed arrived — something the ruling class finds more useful than fear of the weather.The same day Gates downshifted the doomsday rhetoric, Amazon announced it would pay warehouse workers $30 an hour — while laying off 30,000 people because artificial intelligence will soon do their jobs.

Climate panic was the warm-up. AI control is the main event.

The new currency of power

The world once revolved around oil and gas. Today, it revolves around the electricity demanded by server farms, the chips that power machine learning, and the data that can be used to manipulate or silence entire populations. The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch. Whoever controls energy now controls information. And whoever controls information controls civilization.

Climate alarmism gave elites a pretext to centralize power over energy. Artificial intelligence gives them a mechanism to centralize power over people. The future battles will not be about carbon — they will be about control.

Two futures — both ending in tyranny

Americans are already being pushed into what look like two opposing movements, but both leave the individual powerless.

The first is the technocratic empire being constructed in the name of innovation. In its vision, human work will be replaced by machines, and digital permissions will subsume personal autonomy.

Government and corporations merge into a single authority. Your identity, finances, medical decisions, and speech rights become access points monitored by biometric scanners and enforced by automated gatekeepers. Every step, purchase, and opinion is tracked under the noble banner of “efficiency.”

The second is the green de-growth utopia being marketed as “compassion.” In this vision, prosperity itself becomes immoral. You will own less because “the planet” requires it. Elites will redesign cities so life cannot extend beyond a 15-minute walking radius, restrict movement to save the Earth, and ration resources to curb “excess.” It promises community and simplicity, but ultimately delivers enforced scarcity. Freedom withers when surviving becomes a collective permission rather than an individual right.

Both futures demand that citizens become manageable — either automated out of society or tightly regulated within it. The ruling class will embrace whichever version gives them the most leverage in any given moment.

Climate panic was losing its grip. AI dependency — and the obedience it creates — is far more potent.

The forgotten way

A third path exists, but it is the one today’s elites fear most: the path laid out in our Constitution. The founders built a system that assumes human beings are not subjects to be monitored or managed, but moral agents equipped by God with rights no government — and no algorithm — can override.

Hesham Elsherif / Stringer | Getty Images

That idea remains the most “disruptive technology” in history. It shattered the belief that people need kings or experts or global committees telling them how to live. No wonder elites want it erased.

Soon, you will be told you must choose: Live in a world run by machines or in a world stripped down for planetary salvation. Digital tyranny or rationed equality. Innovation without liberty or simplicity without dignity.

Both are traps.

The only way

The only future worth choosing is the one grounded in ordered liberty — where prosperity and progress exist alongside moral responsibility and personal freedom and human beings are treated as image-bearers of God — not climate liabilities, not data profiles, not replaceable hardware components.

Bill Gates can change his tune. The media can change the script. But the agenda remains the same.

They no longer want to save the planet. They want to run it, and they expect you to obey.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Why the White House restoration sent the left Into panic mode

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

Presidents have altered the White House for decades, yet only Donald Trump is treated as a vandal for privately funding the East Wing’s restoration.

Every time a president so much as changes the color of the White House drapes, the press clutches its pearls. Unless the name on the stationery is Barack Obama’s, even routine restoration becomes a national outrage.

President Donald Trump’s decision to privately fund upgrades to the White House — including a new state ballroom — has been met with the usual chorus of gasps and sneers. You’d think he bulldozed Monticello.

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s ‘visionary.’

The irony is that presidents have altered and expanded the White House for more than a century. President Franklin D. Roosevelt added the East and West Wings in the middle of the Great Depression. Newspapers accused him of building a palace while Americans stood in breadlines. History now calls it “vision.”

First lady Nancy Reagan faced the same hysteria. Headlines accused her of spending taxpayer money on new china “while Americans starved.” In truth, she raised private funds after learning that the White House didn’t have enough matching plates for state dinners. She took the ridicule and refused to pass blame.

“I’m a big girl,” she told her staff. “This comes with the job.” That was dignity — something the press no longer recognizes.

A restoration, not a renovation

Trump’s project is different in every way that should matter. It costs taxpayers nothing. Not a cent. The president and a few friends privately fund the work. There’s no private pool or tennis court, no personal perks. The additions won’t even be completed until after he leaves office.

What’s being built is not indulgence — it’s stewardship. A restoration of aging rooms, worn fixtures, and century-old bathrooms that no longer function properly in the people’s house. Trump has paid for cast brass doorknobs engraved with the presidential seal, restored the carpets and moldings, and ensured that the architecture remains faithful to history.

The media’s response was mockery and accusations of vanity. They call it “grotesque excess,” while celebrating billion-dollar “climate art” projects and funneling hundreds of millions into activist causes like the No Kings movement. They lecture America on restraint while living off the largesse of billionaires.

The selective guardians of history

Where was this sudden reverence for history when rioters torched St. John’s Church — the same church where every president since James Madison has worshipped? The press called it an “expression of grief.”

Where was that reverence when mobs toppled statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Grant? Or when first lady Melania Trump replaced the Rose Garden’s lawn with a patio but otherwise followed Jackie Kennedy’s original 1962 plans in the garden’s restoration? They called that “desecration.”

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s “visionary.”

The real desecration

The people shrieking about “historic preservation” care nothing for history. They hate the idea that something lasting and beautiful might be built by hands they despise. They mock craftsmanship because it exposes their own cultural decay.

The White House ballroom is not a scandal — it’s a mirror. And what it reflects is the media’s own pettiness. The ruling class that ridicules restoration is the same class that cheered as America’s monuments fell. Its members sneer at permanence because permanence condemns them.

Julia Beverly / Contributor | Getty Images

Trump’s improvements are an act of faith — in the nation’s symbols, its endurance, and its worth. The outrage over a privately funded renovation says less about him than it does about the journalists who mistake destruction for progress.

The real desecration isn’t happening in the East Wing. It’s happening in the newsrooms that long ago tore up their own foundation — truth — and never bothered to rebuild it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Trump’s secret war in the Caribbean EXPOSED — It’s not about drugs

Bloomberg / Contributor | Getty Images

The president’s moves in Venezuela, Guyana, and Colombia aren’t about drugs. They’re about re-establishing America’s sovereignty across the Western Hemisphere.

For decades, we’ve been told America’s wars are about drugs, democracy, or “defending freedom.” But look closer at what’s unfolding off the coast of Venezuela, and you’ll see something far more strategic taking shape. Donald Trump’s so-called drug war isn’t about fentanyl or cocaine. It’s about control — and a rebirth of American sovereignty.

The aim of Trump’s ‘drug war’ is to keep the hemisphere’s oil, minerals, and manufacturing within the Western family and out of Beijing’s hands.

The president understands something the foreign policy class forgot long ago: The world doesn’t respect apologies. It respects strength.

While the global elites in Davos tout the Great Reset, Trump is building something entirely different — a new architecture of power based on regional independence, not global dependence. His quiet campaign in the Western Hemisphere may one day be remembered as the second Monroe Doctrine.

Venezuela sits at the center of it all. It holds the world’s largest crude oil reserves — oil perfectly suited for America’s Gulf refineries. For years, China and Russia have treated Venezuela like a pawn on their chessboard, offering predatory loans in exchange for control of those resources. The result has been a corrupt, communist state sitting in our own back yard. For too long, Washington shrugged. Not any more.The naval exercises in the Caribbean, the sanctions, the patrols — they’re not about drug smugglers. They’re about evicting China from our hemisphere.

Trump is using the old “drug war” playbook to wage a new kind of war — an economic and strategic one — without firing a shot at our actual enemies. The goal is simple: Keep the hemisphere’s oil, minerals, and manufacturing within the Western family and out of Beijing’s hands.

Beyond Venezuela

Just east of Venezuela lies Guyana, a country most Americans couldn’t find on a map a year ago. Then ExxonMobil struck oil, and suddenly Guyana became the newest front in a quiet geopolitical contest. Washington is helping defend those offshore platforms, build radar systems, and secure undersea cables — not for charity, but for strategy. Control energy, data, and shipping lanes, and you control the future.

Moreover, Colombia — a country once defined by cartels — is now positioned as the hinge between two oceans and two continents. It guards the Panama Canal and sits atop rare-earth minerals every modern economy needs. Decades of American presence there weren’t just about cocaine interdiction; they were about maintaining leverage over the arteries of global trade. Trump sees that clearly.

PEDRO MATTEY / Contributor | Getty Images

All of these recent news items — from the military drills in the Caribbean to the trade negotiations — reflect a new vision of American power. Not global policing. Not endless nation-building. It’s about strategic sovereignty.

It’s the same philosophy driving Trump’s approach to NATO, the Middle East, and Asia. We’ll stand with you — but you’ll stand on your own two feet. The days of American taxpayers funding global security while our own borders collapse are over.

Trump’s Monroe Doctrine

Critics will call it “isolationism.” It isn’t. It’s realism. It’s recognizing that America’s strength comes not from fighting other people’s wars but from securing our own energy, our own supply lines, our own hemisphere. The first Monroe Doctrine warned foreign powers to stay out of the Americas. The second one — Trump’s — says we’ll defend them, but we’ll no longer be their bank or their babysitter.

Historians may one day mark this moment as the start of a new era — when America stopped apologizing for its own interests and started rebuilding its sovereignty, one barrel, one chip, and one border at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.