Dinesh D’Souza: Progressives Shift the Blame, Present Themselves as the Remedy

The very dangerous former inmate Dinesh D'Souza joined The Glenn Beck Program on Wednesday to discuss his thoroughly researched bias against Hillary Clinton, revealed in his bestselling book and movie by the same title, Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party. The movie is currently the number one DVD in America on Amazon.

RELATED: Dinesh D’Souza’s ‘Hillary’s America’ Horrifies Critics, Delights Audiences

"I noticed he doesn't particularly think Hillary will be a good president," Co-host Stu Burguiere commented.

Glenn also made an observation.

"I've picked up that he's also critical of the Democratic Party," he said.

Not wanting to put words in the bestselling author's mouth, Stu carefully described D'Souza as "skeptical of their leadership."

"I would say that it's almost as if he's calling them racist," Glenn said, not holding back.

What's the truth about D'Souza's stance on Hillary and the Democratic Party?

Read below or watch the clip for answers to these hardcore questions:

• What's Bill Clinton's type of girl?

• Is Obama a thin-skinned narcissist?

• Was Hillary raised as a Democrat or Republican?

• Did Hillary participate in beauty contests as a young girl?

• How many Republicans owned slaves in 1860?

• What does former attorney general Eric Holder have in common with the movie Casablanca?

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN: Hello, America. Welcome to the Glenn Beck Program. I've heard that there's this woman, Hillary Clinton, and there's this other guy -- he's a jailbreaker. A law breaker.

JEFFY: Right.

GLENN: This guy has been in prison. So what credibility does he have? He has an axe to grind against this woman called Hillary Clinton. Who is she? What possible scandals could she have in her past? The law breaker himself, Dinesh D'souza is here, and we begin, right now.

(music)

GLENN: Hillary's America is the number one DVD in America on Amazon right now. And Hillary's America, the book by Dinesh D'souza has been out and been a number one and top five best-seller for a very long time.

Welcome to the program, Dinesh. How are you?

DINESH: Great to be here.

GLENN: Good to have you.

As you're watching Eric Holder -- he tweeted today, right? As you're watching people talk about putting people in prison because they disagree with them politically --

JEFFY: Which could never happen.

GLENN: -- which could never happen in America -- oh, wait a minute. It happened to you.

(chuckling)

When you saw the tweet today from Eric Holder which said...

DINESH: Well, in effect he said, "I am shocked, shocked to hear that there are people talking about putting political dissidents in jail in America."

STU: Right.

DINESH: He seemed to be outraged. It reminded me, of course, that the guy from Casablanca, the lieutenant who was shocked to find gambling going on right under his nose.

GLENN: Right. Right, right.

DINESH: And, my case, look, there are people who have committed campaign finance violations who have gone to prison.

GLENN: Yes.

DINESH: But in every single case, there is corruption or witness tampering, or in one case, the guy had done it several times before. In my case, the amount was 20 grand, my own money. And not something I was looking to gain. I was helping a college friend running for the Senate. So no American has been locked up for doing what I did. And the government looked really hard to find a case so they could tell the judge, "Look, we think you should put this guy in prison because this guy went to prison -- they couldn't find a single case.

And so that's the issue, justice at its core isn't just if you do it. Because, you know, you get a speeding ticket and they give you one year in prison, you did it. But it's a penalty that doesn't fit the crime, where other guys who did the same thing aren't going to get remotely like the same penalty.

GLENN: You've been a guy who has been outspoken from the beginning on Barack Obama and now Hillary Clinton.

You're not making any friends with the woman who could quite possibly be the next president of the United States. What have you changed in your life? Or what has changed mentally in you, knowing what they can do, a lot of people would back off. A lot of people would say, "Okay. I'm going to shut up." You didn't. You doubled down.

What are you thinking?

DINESH: Well, I think I've been in some ways radicalized by my own experience. And when I took on Obama, I thought was making kind of an intellectual discovery about him, that he was not so much a civil rights guy, but an anti-colonialist.

And to pursue that story, journalistically, I went to Kenya. But I think the effect of that movie was to get not only -- it kind of got into his head, Obama, and it made him look bad because, you know, there I was with his brother in the Harooma Slums of Nairobi. Here was President Obama talking about, "We are our brother's keeper." So it made him look like a complete hypocrite. And he's a thin-skinned narcissist. So I think this is where the vendetta started.

But I didn't really know what I was getting into. I thought I was, you know, blowing the whistle and showing people a side of Obama they didn't know.

But you take on the US government, they unleash the FBI on you. They've got your bank records in one hand, your tax files in the other hand. You know, you feel the vulnerability of that, United States of America versus Dinesh D'souza.

So my initial reaction was to step back and cower down. And then when I got in the confinement center, all these hoodlums walking around, sleeping on bunk beds, and spitting everywhere and so on.

Again, my initial reaction was to be a hermit, to stay back. And it was only as I began to reflect on this, it kind of took me back to my childhood. I'm an immigrant. I came to America with $500 in my pocket. I've seen the American dream.

Well, this is the other America. And I decided, "I'm not going to do that. I'm actually going to kind of go all in for this country, which has meant everything to me."

GLENN: Does it concern you -- because you and I both know who Hillary Clinton is. She is corrupt to the core. The WikiLeaks is showing that she'll say one thing to -- you know, out in the open. And the 180-degree opposite, you know, behind closed doors. Does it concern you at all for where this country has been, the trouble that is probably on the horizon, economically, et cetera, et cetera. And thank you're dealing with somebody who says, "Never let a good crisis go to waste." Does it concern you at all that you would be targeted again?

DINESH: I'm more concerned for America than I am for myself. In some ways, I feel like there's a certain weird safety being on the front line.

GLENN: Yes.

DINESH: In other words, you know, if the guy who writes Hillary's America, makes the movie Hillary's America disappears tomorrow, who is the main suspect. Right?

GLENN: Right.

DINESH: So in some ways, there's a certain security in being out there in front.

But if she is the gangster that we believe her to be, shouldn't we make every effort to block her? Because once you give her the Oval Office, you give her the accouterments of power -- even as Secretary of State, we saw what she did with that power. But even then, she was under the reign of Obama. However, the Obama people at least were like Hillary: Give us a list of all the foreign donors who are giving you money.

But without that, remove that, and now you have a woman who has the full apparatus of the federal government. The FBI. The CIA at her disposal. It is a terrifying kind of power.

GLENN: You think she ever believed -- you know, I said the other day that the Hillary of the 1960s, if she could come back and meet the Hillary of today, she might punch her in the face. Because she's become everything she claimed she was against.

Was she ever -- was she ever pure in thought and just wanting to do good things? Did she have a turning point in her life where it went really dark?

DINESH: You know, there's only little glimpses of young Hillary that one can get from all the bios of Hillary.

Remarkably, when she was very young, she wanted to be a beauty queen. She entered all these beauty pageants.

JEFFY: That was a tough road.

GLENN: Enough.

DINESH: Well, she wanted to be the classic, you know, the all American girl. That was her original thought. And she was a Goldwater girl in those days. She was a Republican. Her dad was a Republican.

STU: I didn't know that.

DINESH: Oh, yeah. And so her mom was kind of a closet liberal, but the dad was a Republican. I think what happened is when Hillary was late in high school and then on to Wellesley College, she realized, "I don't have the looks, and I don't have the political charm. I don't have that magnetic gregariousness that you need to advance in politics. I actually need to find a partner who does, someone who in a sense can carry me."

GLENN: So do you think that was a political calculation, her relationship, at the beginning?

DINESH: Yeah, I think she knew. See, remember, Bill had had problems with sexual harassment at Oxford, even before he came to Yale Law School. And Hillary knew about that. Hillary knew about Bill from the old days. She knew from the beginning. So she made a decision to go ahead. And there had to be a reason. Just like there had to be a reason for Bill to go for her. She's not his type. He's the opposite of his type.

GLENN: What's his type?

DINESH: His type is Monica Lewinsky.

JEFFY: Yeah.

DINESH: His type is the sort of, you know, high cheek-boned, wide jawed, you know, trailer park girl, if you will.

DINESH: Thick hair.

DINESH: Yeah. He likes that style. Hillary, the hippie. Hillary, the sort of, don't shave your underarms. Hillary, the sort of ideologue. That's just not --

GLENN: You didn't need to bring that up.

JEFFY: Oh, we're back to beauty pageants?

(laughter)

DINESH: No, this is -- I'm just drawing on what was -- yeah, this was all -- this is all in the Hillary biographies.

GLENN: Right, right, right.

DINESH: So they both found something that the other person had, and they made a pact early on. And their marriage has been based on that. So that's why I think it's been so interesting to see the media playing this pageant.

GLENN: So when do you think she went really corrupt and dark? Was -- let me just ask you this: You know, the Travelgate and the Lincoln bedroom, and the selling of access. Was that the beginning -- the training wheels of what became the Clinton Foundation? And if so, what is the Clinton Foundation, the training wheel for, to come?

DINESH: Yeah. So you remember in the Arkansas days, the Clintons would do small-time -- they would do small-time rackets. Hillary puts in a thousand bucks, she makes 100 grand because there's a guy who is essentially sheltering her from risk. And why is he doing that? Because Bill is attorney general.

So they're running small rackets. Then they get to the White House. They can't believe it. They suddenly realize that things like pardons can be sold. And so here's Mark Rich. He's willing to put in millions of dollars into the DNC and to the Clinton Foundation in exchange for a pardon. And they're on their way out the door. Why not? They go for it.

So to them, everything is for sale. Now, when Hillary becomes Secretary of State, now, they've already exited the presidency. And now their schemes become cleverer and bigger. And they realize, "Oh, Bill's speaking fee is $150,000. Why don't we move it up to $600,000?" Obviously, Bill's content isn't going to improve.

GLENN: Right. There's no slide show coming with it.

DINESH: But now they want favors out of Hillary, and so this isn't really paying for a speech. It's a bribe. But it's just guised as payment for a speech. And so the Clintons in that sense are completely unscrupulous. I haven't seen anything like this -- we've seen it with like Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall in New York. But at the national level, I mean, have you heard of a Secretary of State renting out American foreign policy? Never.

GLENN: No. So what does that give us a glimpse into what she is going to be if she wins? What does America -- what does American policy look like?

DINESH: The way I think about it is kind of like this: What did Al Capone want out of Chicago? If you could give him everything he wanted, what did he want? He basically wanted to be the mob boss of Chicago. Right? He wanted to be able to loot the treasury. He wanted all his buddies to be on the payroll. He can give him contracts when he wants. He wanted his critics to be pushed away. Leave the state. I'll throw you off a roof. I'll reduce your influence. I'll get you fired. And the most important thing, he wanted to walk into the big Chicago stadium and have the whole crowd stand up and shout, "Big Al, Big Al, Big Al," with cult-like devotion. That's what Hillary wants from America. She wants to be the --

GLENN: So she's -- we're not talking about Evita. We're talking about an oligarch.

DINESH: Yeah, if you look at Evita -- I mean, Evita was corrupt. Evita wanted to -- Evita was sort of a girl from the wrong side of the tracks who made good and wanted to cash in on her opportunity.

But let's say this: Did Evita care how the ordinary Argentine live his life? Did Evita want to tell you what religion to practice or where you can live or whether you can own a gun? She couldn't care less.

GLENN: Right.

DINESH: And most dictators are even like that. They don't care about your personal life. As long as they're ensconced in power and you don't molest them, they don't want to molest you. But today's progressivism has such a built-in tyrannical impulse, which Hillary embodies, that you can't say today, "I'm going to go in my little enclave, and I'm going to be sheltered. And I'll just live my life, drive my pickup truck, and I'll go hunting."

No, they're going to come after you, in your church, out on the hunting range. They're not going to leave you alone, and so we can't leave them alone.

GLENN: Okay. Back in just a second with more of Dinesh D'souza. Is the paper book out yet?

DINESH: No, the books are still in hardback, but the movie is out in DVD.

GLENN: The movie is out in DVD. It's Hillary's America. Dinesh D'Souza.

[break]

GLENN: Dinesh D'souza is with us. The movie, on DVD, is out now. Hillary's America. Where he really takes you back to the -- the roots of the Democrats and the progressive party, which is as racist as you can get.

DINESH: And -- and many of the rip-off schemes, the rackets, the exploitation, that we see in the Clintons, we find that sordid tradition going back all the way to Andrew Jackson. So the racism wasn't just that I don't like blacks. It was that I found a way to get black people to work for me for free. In other words, that's what slavery was. It's basically a stealing of another man's labor. And in order to steal his labor, you have to steal his whole life.

And the Democrats championed that. And they said it was a good thing. So they're the inventor of the notion of slavery as a positive good.

And then after the Civil War, they came up with new schemes. Segregation, Jim Crow, the Ku Klux Klan, and then the whole social Darwinism, forced sterilization, all of which led to sympathy for fascism.

So there's all this stuff. And I think in one of the greatest -- you know, there's the economic heist. You rob Fort Knox. You rob the treasury. But then there's the intellectual heist, which is, you rob the honor of America and the Republican Party, and you blame them for the bad things that you did. That's the genius of the progressives, is to shift the blame on to someone else.

GLENN: It is.

DINESH: And then present themselves as the remedy.

GLENN: How is it that the Klan, which has always been Democrat -- it was a Democratic voting machine. How is it that the Klan has now moved into this alt-right, to where they're -- I mean, they are -- you know, like the neo-Nazis. National socialism. How -- what do they find with the right that they identify with?

DINESH: Well, the -- let's think of what motivated someone to join the Klan in the first place. Like, why would you join the Ku Klux Klan?

The reason was that in the South, what the Democratic Party said to the poor white guy is, "I'm going to make you a member of an aristocracy." Right? You're going to be higher than every black guy in the country. So even if here is a black guy, he's educated, he went to college, he's got a good job, and you don't, but because of your skin color, I'm going to put you on top of him. So whiteness becomes membership in this racial club. And your social status becomes elevated by virtue.

So Democrats were offering that to poor whites in the South. And that was one of the main reasons -- think of why the poor whites thought in the Civil War. They didn't have slaves. What were they fighting for? What was in it for them? The Democrats have always understood the kind of low motives of the human psyche.

Even today, look at the way they tap into avarice, envy, all these secret emotions that people have. And they never do it openly. They never say, "You're an envious man." They go -- they make it seem like you're self-righteous. "You're being denied your fair share." Therefore, you should you know smash into this guy's house and take his stuff because he owes owes you. So the the Democrats know what they're doing. They're playing with fire. They're playing with low human emotions. Now, there is a far right version of doing the same thing. And so you may say that at the extremes, the right and the left tend to converge.

GLENN: But what I don't understand is, for instance, the neo-Nazis, their claim is the far right, but they're national socialists. I mean, the right in America has always been the smallest possible government. You know...

DINESH: No, absolutely.

GLENN: Extreme on the right should be anarchists.

DINESH: Even in Europe, if you think of the right, what's the extreme right in Europe? It was throne and alter.

GLENN: Right.

KELLY: It was the idea of a country run by an alliance between sacred church and the monarchy.

GLENN: Yes.

DINESH: And that's gone. That's want ape threat today.

GLENN: Right.

DINESH: What is a threat today is a different kind of different collectivism. Which was now a by the Nazis by the progressives. Most people don't realize all those three movements were on the same side of the aisle.

GLENN: Yes.

STU: Can we see the example of what you're talking about in the way they frame things? We've talked about about forever, keeping up with the Joneses, we looked at that as a negative idea, or what everybody else in your town has. Now they frame that as income inequality. And it's the same basic foundational belief, right? That you should be able to get what everyone else has. But now that it's framed as income equality, all of a sudden that's a positive. Isn't that an example of what they're trying to do?

GLENN: Twenty seconds.

DINESH: Yeah, the good side of it is trying to immolate the successful guy, and that's what we believe. Right? The guy starts a business. You should. The Democrat approach is different. And that is to appeal to envy, to appeal to him pulling you down until the two of you are leveled.

GLENN: Yes. So when we come back, I want to talk to you a little about, what does America look like with Hillary Clinton as president of the United States? It can't be good. Dinesh D'souza, next.

[break]

GLENN: We're talking to Dinesh D'souza. Hillary's America is out. The book, also the movie. Number one DVD, Amazon. Great movie. A lot of really good research. I am so happy, Dinesh that you did it the way you did it. It's more than a documentary and talking heads. It's almost like a feature film.

DINESH: It's entertaining. And that's why people go to the movies.

GLENN: Yeah.

DINESH: And, you know, I'm thrilled that people love the movie. And I tried to put strong generalizations in the movie and invite the left to go after them. In 1860, the year of the Civil War, no Republican owned a slave. All the slave in the whole country were owned by Democrats. Now, think about that. That's a claim you can refute by simply giving me a list of five Republicans who owned slaves. No one has been able to do it. So it's the kind of unnerving factual claim that you go, "Why didn't someone tell me that in school? Why haven't I seen that in the media?"

DINESH: And part of what gives power to our movie is that the left has been so successful in covering things up, in putting out a false narrative.

GLENN: Oh, yeah, people get angry --

DINESH: Truth becomes incendiary.

GLENN: People get angry when they realize that this has all been hidden from them, especially African-Americans. They really feel duped.

DINESH: Who did the Civil Rights movement of the 60s. The leftist claim the full credit --- we did it. So whatever our sins in the past are washed clean because we gave you the civil rights movement. No, in fact, more Republicans voted for it than Democrats; the main opposition came from the Democratic Party.

GLENN: So let me ask you this question: And I said this on the air the other day, and I've actually called a couple of historians and asked them, and they said, "Wow, I don't know, but let me look into it."

You might actually know. Who wrote the Civil Rights Bill and, more importantly, the Great Society bills from LBJ?

Because we just did a deal about the destructive force of those programs, you couldn't have designed them any better to tear the black community apart. And then I started thinking, "Wait. But that's -- I mean, that was the progressive ideal." Were there deep progressives that wrote that -- do you know, were there any real racist progressives that wrote that? Any evidence at all that that may have been an intention of some that wrote that Great Society?

DINESH: Well, you know, going back to FDR and Social Security, FDR knew that it had to be designed -- if he wanted it to work politically, it had to be designed in a way that no one could undo it.

And FDR boasted, I'm going to design it in such a way that it can't be ended. It will go on forever. And the way I do that is I don't have Glenn Beck have a retirement account and Dinesh have a retirement account. I'm going to make it so that the old people today are funded by the young people today.

And that's why, when the young people become old, they're going to demand that the next generation of young people pay for them.

So these people thought of that stuff. They thought -- they weren't just thinking about helping Glenn Beck and Dinesh retire. They were thinking, how do we, the Democrats, get to own this program and own these people for generations?

Same with LBJ. With the LBJ -- they didn't say, let's go destroy the black family.

But they went, "How do we create a whole class of people who need us in order to get by, to pay the mortgage, to get food? Because that way, we got them. And if we can kind of hold them in this dependency -- so this is why, for example, why the left opposed gentrification schemes in the inner city.

You come in and say -- and you're not even a government. You're a private business. You go, listen, I want to bring in Starbucks. I want to bring in all these companies who will create lofts -- high-tech companies. Everyone will have jobs. The real estate values will go up.

The people who live there are better off because their property values will go up. The left will oppose you.

Why? Because they know, we've got 90 percent of these people enthralled to us right now. They're voting for us. If we make them self-reliant, they're going to be like, "Okay. I'm leaving the plantation. Goodbye." And so they don't want that to happen. And so they have a perverse incentive to keep these people enthralled.

GLENN: Into the book is Hillary's America. What does it look like in four years if she wins?

DINESH: Well, I'm from India, a country run by gangs. If you saw Slum Dog Millionaire, you get a feeling for what that's like. Debbie, my wife is from Venezuela. You know what it's like over there. People are eating dogs and cats, and the country is run like one big gang.

So we came to America because in America you don't have to be corrupt in everyday life. You don't to have pay a bribe to a cop. You can live your normal life. There are ladders of opportunity. That America is up for grabs right now, and I think Hillary is the antithesis of that. She's the antithesis of ladders of opportunity. She represents the whole idea that we belong to the government. She controls the government. We belong to her, in effect. That's the America that she's pushing for, if the American people will sign on the dotted line.

GLENN: Will the people sign on the dotted line? Are you saying this election, or will people sign on the dotted line after the election?

DINESH: Well, I think the sad thing about America is that the people who make the difference in the election are the least attuned to what's going on.

They're the people -- and their impulse isn't bad. Their impulse is that in a good country, you should normally be able to mow your lawn and go to work and go to the movies and not worry a whole lot about politics. Just like you should be able to live in a house and sleep on the couch and walk in the hallway without consulting the blueprints every day.

GLENN: Right.

DINESH: But it's when your house begins to shake, then you need the blueprints. And similarly, we are at one of those rare times in American history. I've only known four or five times in US history where this has been the case, where more is being asked of the ordinary citizen. More knowledge. More vigilance. More alertness.

Some of us as immigrants know this instinctively. And so it's a little bit of a waking up process to get the ordinary American who is like, what? What -- what's new? Why do I have to do this now? Well, because this is a different situation than it was in 1980 or even in 1960.

GLENN: Do we make it?

DINESH: You know, I think we do. I'm optimistic. I'm not one of these guys who goes, "The country is finished if Hillary wins." But it is true that when you take a lot of blows on the head, you become a different country. We've gone through a lot with Obama. It's not going to help.

GLENN: We are completely a different country than we were 15 years ago or eight years ago. Completely different country.

In retrospect, Barack Obama, better or worse or the same of what you thought in 2008?

DINESH: I think I had the sense of Obama in 2008 of a twisted pathetic, emotionally deformed person who had been abandoned by his mom and his dad. And out of this had hatched this perverted ideology that he was -- that he believed. And that he was pursuing with dogged determination. He wrapped it up in the bow of hope and change. But it actually was a very concrete set of things. That is still my view of Obama. He's a messed-up guy at the core, but his messed-upness is wrapped up in a kind of false idealism, just like his narcissism springs from deep insecurity. He's a more interesting person than Hillary.

Hillary is a straight-out, you know, Luca Brasi. What makes Hillary interesting is that she's Luca Brasi who tries to pass herself off as wearing a halo, which is a very ugly and kind of ridiculous sight. And that's what makes her comic, as well as tragic. So I don't really -- I'm not interested in Hillary, in the way I am interested -- I would like to have dinner with Obama. I'd find him interesting psychologically.

GLENN: Yes, yes.

DINESH: The same way I'd like to meet Nixon. But Hillary, I'll pass.

GLENN: So, but wait. What I was asking was -- the country weathered him better than I thought we would.

DINESH: Yeah, he's -- what he's done is he's weakened -- I think his greatest harm is he's weakened American influence in the world.

GLENN: Oh, yeah.

JEFFY: Huge.

DINESH: It used to be that nothing could happen in South America, in the Middle East, in the Far East without America having a big say so. He's sort of made us irrelevant, and that was his goal.

GLENN: Yes.

DINESH: So that's his greatest --

JEFFY: A lot of help with Hillary Clinton on that in the State Department.

GLENN: Yeah.

DINESH: Yes, but it was his agenda. She was a functionary for his agenda in doing that.

GLENN: What's the difference between his agenda and her agenda?

DINESH: Her agenda essentially has to do with large suitcases of cash. Because I honestly believe that any country can get a meeting with Hillary, if they're willing to pay. Any business can get a meeting with Hillary, if they're willing to pay. And so in that sense, Hillary is above ideology. She has an ideology, and the ideology serves her. But she's perfectly willing to go against it if --

GLENN: Any of the triangulation of Bill Clinton in Hillary?

DINESH: Very little. Only the rhetorical triangulation. When she says things like, "I want to be a president for Republicans too." Now, that is a very interesting statement. Because in our system, the president is supposed to even represent the people who voted against him or her. She has no intention of doing it, but she says it.

JEFFY: Right. Right.

STU: Because that's one of the interesting things that's come out of the Podesta emails coming out, is that Hillary behind closed doors seems to be much better than she is in public. In that, she is saying things that are pro-free trade. She is saying things that are pro-fracking. She's saying these things. And my instinct is, she's saying them because she thinks the audience at that private speech thinks that, so she's playing to that. Is it just a --

GLENN: Which one is she? Is she the private one that is pro-business, pro-fracking if you pay, or is she the radical that wants to shut everything down because she believes in global warming?

DINESH: Well, she's neither. She gains on both fronts. So, for example, let's take a Hillary meeting with Goldman Sachs. Here's what Hillary says to Goldman Sachs.

She says, "Listen, out there, I've got to denounce you guys. Right? So I'm doing it because I have something to gain, which is political. I have to make you look bad because you're the enemy that's going to help rally people to my side. I've got to fool those people into thinking that I'm conspiring with them against you." Right?

And then she tells the Goldman Sachs, "But in reality, I'm conspiring with you against them. In other words, I've got all kinds of deals with you, if you're willing to give me money to the Clinton Foundation and to my causes. I can do business with you."

So she's benefiting at both ends, and that's the common denominator. And she's letting the Goldman Sachs people know, because they're sophisticated enough, that I have to do this.

GLENN: So the only thing she cares about is money?

DINESH: And power. And power. And power is the way the Clintons get money.

Now, usually in American politics, you make money first. FDR was rich when he ran for office. JFK was rich. So in America, people don't go to power to make money. The Clintons do.

GLENN: The Clinton Foundation laid the foundation of something that I think is just horrendous. And it's going to make Barack Obama a very powerful and wealthy man.

JEFFY: Oh.

GLENN: Does he build a much more powerful Clinton Foundation, and does that continue? Does his influence continue to change and shape the world?

DINESH: I don't see Obama quitting. Like I say, he believes what he does and what he says.

GLENN: Yeah.

DINESH: I totally think he will move in -- he'll learn from the Clinton Foundation. But let's remember what made the Clinton Foundation so perverse is that this -- you know, it's not uncommon for politicians when they quit to go to lobbying firms and make money. So cashing in later is one thing.

GLENN: Yeah, yeah.

DINESH: It's much worse to cash in while you're the decision-maker. And you go to a group of Indian businessmen. And they go, "Okay. Bill, here's 500,000 to make a speech. Now, we want Hillary to change America's position on the India Nuclear Deal. And if you do that, $20 million or $10 million will come flowing to your foundation."

I mean, that is actually selling US policy. Think about it, if the Clintons have gone from zero to $300 million, what's the product that they've been selling? They haven't made the i Phone. They haven't started a business. Their product is public policy.

Now, public policy belongs to us. It's the American people's product, but they're selling it. And they're cashing in on it. That's what makes them deeply corrupt. That's what, at the end of the day, for all Trump has done this, he has not done that, and they have.

GLENN: Hillary's America. Dinesh D'souza. Available in books and also DVD. Number one best-selling DVD on Amazon right now. Always good to see you and your lovely wife.

DINESH: Pleasure.

GLENN: Talk to you again.

Featured Image: Screenshot of Dinesh D'Souza featured on The Glenn Beck Program.

The Crisis of Meaning: Searching for truth and purpose

Mario Tama / Staff | Getty Images

Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The Bubba Effect erupts as America’s power brokers go rogue

Gary Hershorn / Contributor | Getty Images

When institutions betray the public’s trust, the country splits, and the spiral is hard to stop.

Something drastic is happening in American life. Headlines that should leave us stunned barely register anymore. Stories that once would have united the country instead dissolve into silence or shrugs.

It is not apathy exactly. It is something deeper — a growing belief that the people in charge either cannot or will not fix what is broken.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf.

I call this response the Bubba effect. It describes what happens when institutions lose so much public trust that “Bubba,” the average American minding his own business, finally throws his hands up and says, “Fine. I will handle it myself.” Not because he wants to, but because the system that was supposed to protect him now feels indifferent, corrupt, or openly hostile.

The Bubba effect is not a political movement. It is a survival instinct.

What triggers the Bubba effect

We are watching the triggers unfold in real time. When members of Congress publicly encourage active duty troops to disregard orders from the commander in chief, that is not a political squabble. When a federal judge quietly rewrites the rules so one branch of government can secretly surveil another, that is not normal. That is how republics fall. Yet these stories glided across the news cycle without urgency, without consequence, without explanation.

When the American people see the leadership class shrug, they conclude — correctly — that no one is steering the ship.

This is how the Bubba effect spreads. It is not just individuals resisting authority. It is sheriffs refusing to enforce new policies, school boards ignoring state mandates, entire communities saying, “We do not believe you anymore.” It becomes institutional, cultural, national.

A country cracking from the inside

This effect can be seen in Dearborn, Michigan. In the rise of fringe voices like Nick Fuentes. In the Epstein scandal, where powerful people could not seem to locate a single accountable adult. These stories are different in content but identical in message: The system protects itself, not you.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf. That does not mean they suddenly agree with everything that person says. It means they feel abandoned by the institutions that were supposed to be trustworthy.

The Bubba effect is what fills that vacuum.

The dangers of a faithless system

A republic cannot survive without credibility. Congress cannot oversee intelligence agencies if it refuses to discipline its own members. The military cannot remain apolitical if its chain of command becomes optional. The judiciary cannot defend the Constitution while inventing loopholes that erase the separation of powers.

History shows that once a nation militarizes politics, normalizes constitutional shortcuts, or allows government agencies to operate without scrutiny, it does not return to equilibrium peacefully. Something will give.

The question is what — and when.

The responsibility now belongs to us

In a healthy country, this is where the media steps in. This is where universities, pastors, journalists, and cultural leaders pause the outrage machine and explain what is at stake. But today, too many see themselves not as guardians of the republic, but of ideology. Their first loyalty is to narrative, not truth.

The founders never trusted the press more than the public. They trusted citizens who understood their rights, lived their responsibilities, and demanded accountability. That is the antidote to the Bubba effect — not rage, but citizenship.

How to respond without breaking ourselves

Do not riot. Do not withdraw. Do not cheer on destruction just because you dislike the target. That is how nations lose themselves. Instead, demand transparency. Call your representatives. Insist on consequences. Refuse to normalize constitutional violations simply because “everyone does it.” If you expect nothing, you will get nothing.

Do not hand your voice to the loudest warrior simply because he is swinging a bat at the establishment. You do not beat corruption by joining a different version of it. You beat it by modeling the country you want to preserve: principled, accountable, rooted in truth.

Adam Gray / Stringer | Getty Images

Every republic reaches a moment when historians will later say, “That was the warning.” We are living in ours. But warnings are gifts if they are recognized. Institutions bend. People fail. The Constitution can recover — if enough Americans still know and cherish it.

It does not take a majority. Twenty percent of the country — awake, educated, and courageous — can reset the system. It has happened before. It can happen again.

Wake up. Stand up. Demand integrity — from leaders, from institutions, and from yourself. Because the Bubba effect will not end until Americans reclaim the duty that has always belonged to them: preserving the republic for the next generation.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Grim warning: Bad-faith Israel critics duck REAL questions

Spencer Platt / Staff | Getty Images

Bad-faith attacks on Israel and AIPAC warp every debate. Real answers emerge only when people set aside scripts and ask what serves America’s long-term interests.

The search for truth has always required something very much in short supply these days: honesty. Not performative questions, not scripted outrage, not whatever happens to be trending on TikTok, but real curiosity.

Some issues, often focused on foreign aid, AIPAC, or Israel, have become hotbeds of debate and disagreement. Before we jump into those debates, however, we must return to a simpler, more important issue: honest questioning. Without it, nothing in these debates matters.

Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

The phrase “just asking questions” has re-entered the zeitgeist, and that’s fine. We should always question power. But too many of those questions feel preloaded with someone else’s answer. If the goal is truth, then the questions should come from a sincere desire to understand, not from a hunt for a villain.

Honest desire for truth is the only foundation that can support a real conversation about these issues.

Truth-seeking is real work

Right now, plenty of people are not seeking the truth at all. They are repeating something they heard from a politician on cable news or from a stranger on TikTok who has never opened a history book. That is not a search for answers. That is simply outsourcing your own thought.

If you want the truth, you need to work for it. You cannot treat the world like a Marvel movie where the good guy appears in a cape and the villain hisses on command. Real life does not give you a neat script with the moral wrapped up in two hours.

But that is how people are approaching politics now. They want the oppressed and the oppressor, the heroic underdog and the cartoon villain. They embrace this fantastical framing because it is easier than wrestling with reality.

This framing took root in the 1960s when the left rebuilt its worldview around colonizers and the colonized. Overnight, Zionism was recast as imperialism. Suddenly, every conflict had to fit the same script. Today’s young activists are just recycling the same narrative with updated graphics. Everything becomes a morality play. No nuance, no context, just the comforting clarity of heroes and villains.

Bad-faith questions

This same mindset is fueling the sudden obsession with Israel, and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in particular. You hear it from members of Congress and activists alike: AIPAC pulls the strings, AIPAC controls the government, AIPAC should register as a foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The questions are dramatic, but are they being asked in good faith?

FARA is clear. The standard is whether an individual or group acts under the direction or control of a foreign government. AIPAC simply does not qualify.

Here is a detail conveniently left out of these arguments: Dozens of domestic organizations — Armenian, Cuban, Irish, Turkish — lobby Congress on behalf of other countries. None of them registers under FARA because — like AIPAC — they are independent, domestic organizations.

If someone has a sincere problem with the structure of foreign lobbying, fair enough. Let us have that conversation. But singling out AIPAC alone is not a search for truth. It is bias dressed up as bravery.

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

If someone wants to question foreign aid to Israel, fine. Let’s have that debate. But let’s ask the right questions. The issue is not the size of the package but whether the aid advances our interests. What does the United States gain? Does the investment strengthen our position in the region? How does it compare to what we give other nations? And do we examine those countries with the same intensity?

The real target

These questions reflect good-faith scrutiny. But narrowing the entire argument to one country or one dollar amount misses the larger problem. If someone objects to the way America handles foreign aid, the target is not Israel. The target is the system itself — an entrenched bureaucracy, poor transparency, and decades-old commitments that have never been re-examined. Those problems run through programs around the world.

If you want answers, you need to broaden the lens. You have to be willing to put aside the movie script and confront reality. You have to hold yourself to a simple rule: Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

That is the only way this country ever gets clarity on foreign aid, influence, alliances, and our place in the world. Questioning is not just allowed. It is essential. But only if it is honest.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The melting pot fails when we stop agreeing to melt

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Texas now hosts Quran-first academies, Sharia-compliant housing schemes, and rapidly multiplying mosques — all part of a movement building a self-contained society apart from the country around it.

It is time to talk honestly about what is happening inside America’s rapidly growing Muslim communities. In city after city, large pockets of newcomers are choosing to build insulated enclaves rather than enter the broader American culture.

That trend is accelerating, and the longer we ignore it, the harder it becomes to address.

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world.

America has always welcomed people of every faith and people from every corner of the world, but the deal has never changed: You come here and you join the American family. You are free to honor your traditions, keep your faith, but you must embrace the Constitution as the supreme law of the land. You melt into the shared culture that allows all of us to live side by side.

Across the country, this bargain is being rejected by Islamist communities that insist on building a parallel society with its own rules, its own boundaries, and its own vision for how life should be lived.

Texas illustrates the trend. The state now has roughly 330 mosques. At least 48 of them were built in just the last 24 months. The Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex alone has around 200 Islamic centers. Houston has another hundred or so. Many of these communities have no interest in blending into American life.

This is not the same as past waves of immigration. Irish, Italian, Korean, Mexican, and every other group arrived with pride in their heritage. Still, they also raised American flags and wanted their children to be part of the country’s future. They became doctors, small-business owners, teachers, and soldiers. They wanted to be Americans.

What we are watching now is not the melting pot. It is isolation by design.

Parallel societies do not end well

More than 300 fundamentalist Islamic schools now operate full-time across the country. Many use Quran-first curricula that require students to spend hours memorizing religious texts before they ever reach math or science. In Dallas, Brighter Horizons Academy enrolls more than 1,700 students and draws federal support while operating on a social model that keeps children culturally isolated.

Then there is the Epic City project in Collin and Hunt counties — 402 acres originally designated only for Muslim buyers, with Sharia-compliant financing and a mega-mosque at the center. After public outcry and state investigations, the developers renamed it “The Meadows,” but a new sign does not erase the original intent. It is not a neighborhood. It is a parallel society.

Americans should not hesitate to say that parallel societies are dangerous. Europe tried this experiment, and the results could not be clearer. In Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, entire neighborhoods now operate under their own cultural rules, some openly hostile to Western norms. When citizens speak up, they are branded bigots for asserting a basic right: the ability to live safely in their own communities.

A crisis of confidence

While this separation widens, another crisis is unfolding at home. A recent Gallup survey shows that about 40% of American women ages 18 to 39 would leave the country permanently if given the chance. Nearly half of a rising generation — daughters, sisters, soon-to-be mothers — no longer believe this nation is worth building a future in.

And who shapes the worldview of young boys? Their mothers. If a mother no longer believes America is home, why would her child grow up ready to defend it?

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world. If we lose confidence in our own national identity at the same time that we allow separatist enclaves to spread unchecked, the outcome is predictable. Europe is already showing us what comes next: cultural fracture, political radicalization, and the slow death of national unity.

Brandon Bell / Staff | Getty Images

Stand up and tell the truth

America welcomes Muslims. America defends their right to worship freely. A Muslim who loves the Constitution, respects the rule of law, and wants to raise a family in peace is more than welcome in America.

But an Islamist movement that rejects assimilation, builds enclaves governed by its own religious framework, and treats American law as optional is not simply another participant in our melting pot. It is a direct challenge to it. If we refuse to call this problem out out of fear of being called names, we will bear the consequences.

Europe is already feeling those consequences — rising conflict and a political class too paralyzed to admit the obvious. When people feel their culture, safety, and freedoms slipping away, they will follow anyone who promises to defend them. History has shown that over and over again.

Stand up. Speak plainly. Be unafraid. You can practice any faith in this country, but the supremacy of the Constitution and the Judeo-Christian moral framework that shaped it is non-negotiable. It is what guarantees your freedom in the first place.

If you come here and honor that foundation, welcome. If you come here to undermine it, you do not belong here.

Wake up to what is unfolding before the consequences arrive. Because when a nation refuses to say what is true, the truth eventually forces its way in — and by then, it is always too late.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.