Presidential Hopeful Darrell Castle Seeks 'Bloodless Revolution' in America

Constitution Party candidate Darrell Castle joined The Glenn Beck Program on Tuesday for a deeper dive into his policies and beliefs.

In a nutshell, Castles platform includes abolishing the Federal Reserve, withdrawing from the United Nations, fighting Agenda 21, supporting pro-life beliefs and adhering to the U.S. Constitution.

RELATED: Whiny Obama Trashes the Constitutional Separation of Powers in HuffPo Op-ed

Castle is officially on the ballot in 24 states and a registered write-in candidate in 23 other states. For more information on Darrell Castle, visit Castle2016.com.

Read below, watch the clip or listen for answers to these questions:

• Why does Castle oppose the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)?

• Would Castle use ground forces to fight ISIS?

• Does Castle believe Putin is a friend or foe?

• Is Castle opposed to the U.S. constantly intervening militarily?

• When did Castle help found the Constitution Party?

Listen to this segment from The Glenn Beck Program:

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN: Welcome to the program, Darrell Castle.

DARRELL: Oh, thank you very much. I'm glad to be with you.

GLENN: The platform in a nutshell, as I understand it -- I'd like you to go through it. Audit the fed, withdraw from the UN, fight Agenda 21, be pro-life, and adhere to the US Constitution.

Pretty simple. Do you want to expand?

DARRELL: Well, except -- except for auditing the fed, you're exactly right.

GLENN: Oh, you don't want to audit the fed?

DARRELL: No, I want to end the fed.

GLENN: All right. All right. End the fed.

You want to expand on any of these?

DARRELL: Well, I'll expand on anything that you would like me to expand on. But I've done numerous podcasts and so forth on all of those positions in the last few months.

GLENN: So let me play devil's advocate. End the fed. How -- how do you think you could possibly as president end the fed?

DARRELL: Well, I couldn't. It would take an act of Congress. It would be very simple. Congress would just have to repeal the Federal Reserve Act, and it would be done. And obviously, they would be forced to return to the Constitution and retake control of the monetary system themselves.

But if -- if I were elected president, I mean, it's quite obvious what I stand for. So the people would have to -- to rise up and turn up the heat on Congress. As Harry Truman said, "When you turn up the heat, they see the light." But I couldn't do it by myself. No, Congress would have to act.

GLENN: Darrell, I'm currently being called a globalist by those who are supporting Donald Trump. I couldn't be further from a globalist. I believe in free trade. Do you?

DARRELL: Yes, I do.

GLENN: Okay.

DARRELL: And I can explain that, if you would like.

GLENN: Go ahead.

DARRELL: I believe in free trade. I believe that the United States should -- should trade freely with Mexico, Chile, and other countries that it does now.

I just don't believe in free trade agreements. Unlike like your friend, Evan McMullin, I'm opposed to the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other free trade agreements because they transfer American sovereignty to bureaucracies and corporations totally unaccountable to the American people. I don't think that's necessary or wise.

PAT: Right.

GLENN: That is my belief on TPP as well. It is transferring too much sovereignty.

The -- you want to withdraw from the UN. Is there no reason to have an international body and an international community like that?

DARRELL: Well, there may be plenty of reasons to have an international body. But the United Nations does some really horrible things. It's not compatible with the American way of life. Agenda 21, it's depopulation. Many things like that. I just want this country to be free and independent again and be able to chart its own course in the world.

Like I said before, I'm all for trade. I believe trade brings friendship, and it brings economic prosperity and so forth for people around the world, all up and down the economic spectrum. So I'm all for interacting with the world, just not in a situation where the American Constitution is called into question and actually superseded by international bureaucrats. I -- I'm about tired of that.

Plus, the United Nations has had us almost continually at war since 1945. And we haven't won very many of them. So I'm for ending -- I'm for a different way of life.

PAT: Darrell, you also seem to be the strongest candidate who is running for president on immigration. Tell us your stand on the border and what you would do with the 20 million illegal aliens that are here. And what would you do on the border?

DARRELL: Well, on the border, it's my position that we should force the immigration laws that we have now in an effort to secure the border. I would do, as president, whatever it took. I just consider it my sworn duty as president of this country to secure the border, by whatever means proven necessary.

And I think before we start doing radical things like building a wall -- and I will say, I would do that, if that's what it took. But just enforce the immigration laws that we have in place right now and empower the -- the Border Patrol and so he had authorities to -- to secure the border. And once we do that so that we know who is coming across, we could admit as many people as we want. But we would hopefully know whether those people are terrorists or not.

GLENN: The situation over in the middle east with ISIS, Darrell. What do we do?

DARRELL: Well, you know, I've read where Donald Trump constantly keeps saying he wants to -- he wants to destroy ISIS and so forth. And, I mean, that's fine. Who doesn't?

Mr. McMullin says he would commit ground forces in an offensive against ISIS. I wouldn't do that. I mean, I don't really understand the entire mentality that we're applying in Syria. I mean, number one, what business is it of ours, who runs Syria? The Assad family has run Syria for some 50 years now. But all of a sudden, we cannot tolerate this man Assad, a day longer.

And if the Russians want to fight ISIS, I mean, who cares what -- why not? But I'm not in favor of -- of ground troops in Syria. And I'm not in favor of what Mrs. Clinton called for, a no-fly zone. She tried to walk that back a little bit in the last debate, when it was pointed out that the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff said that would mean war with Russia. You always have to ask yourself what the endgame is going to be when you have to confront Russian aircraft. All these confrontations and so forth, it seemed to me are unnecessary. We could devote a whole show sometime to talking about Russia, if you wanted to.

But the long short of it is, I'm not in favor of -- of committing ground troops to Syria right now. I don't see the need for it.

GLENN: Is Putin a friend, a foe? What is he?

DARRELL: Who knows, you know? What was it Winston Churchill said about Russia...

But, I mean, I don't know if he's a friend and a foe. I know he seems to love his own country and trying to protect his own country. And I know that -- I have a certain degree of sympathy with that because of Russia's history. You know, they -- every time they look to the West, they see tanks. And they remember the German invasion and many, many, many before that. And now German tanks are messing around on their border again. I don't blame them for being nervous about that. It's not Russia that's in Mexico. It's not Russia that's in Canada. But NATO and the United States and the European Union are at Russia's border. Who wouldn't be nervous about that?

GLENN: Well, I mean, when Poland asks NATO and the United States to be there --

DARRELL: Yeah.

GLENN: Because they're afraid.

DARRELL: They always do. They always ask. And I -- I've gotten a few calls in the campaign from Polish people who are very nervous about it.

But, you know, those types of things are easy to manipulate. I -- you know, the first thing we think about is confrontation and war. I just suspect that Poland would be sitting there just as happy as they could be if NATO and the union had not pushed to the borders of Russia, which we promised them we wouldn't do when Reagan and Gorbachev had their meeting.

But nevertheless, that's the way I see it. I mean, I would take whatever action necessary to protect this country. But right now, you know, I think these constant confrontations with sanctions and pushing the Russian economy to the brink and so forth, as Roosevelt did with the Japanese -- and I'm not saying that wasn't necessary. I'm just saying, it oftentimes leaves a desperate country with only one choice.

And you always want to leave your opponent a way out.

PAT: Other than trade, would you consider yourself isolationist?

DARRELL: No, I wouldn't.

GLENN: What would you consider yourself? What's the difference between you and an isolationist?

DARRELL: Well, isolationist, you know, let's withdraw to the borders and build fortress America. But the opposite of that -- people often accuse me of isolation because I don't choose war.

The opposite of war is peace, not isolation. I don't want to withdraw to the borders in this totally interconnected world with instantaneous communication that we have now. It's ridiculous to -- to think of such a thing. But neither do I -- I mean, would you -- any of the countries around the world who don't have the military power that the United States has, they'll constantly intervene militarily every time they see a rattlesnakes nest in some other part of the world.

PAT: Uh-huh.

STU: Darrell, every conservative or someone who thinks themselves conservative wants to lower taxes in some way. We'll hear either lowering rates or we'll go to a flat tax or a consumption tax. Your tax plan is different than all of those. Can you kind of explain it and walk through it?

DARRELL: Yes. My tax plan is different. And it seeks to free the American people to keep all their income, and that would be pretty sweet.

STU: Yeah.

DARRELL: But it also empowers the states, which the original intent of this Constitution and this union that the states entered into originally, it returns sovereignty to the states because the taxes, the budget would be apportioned like the census to the various states. So if your state of Texas, for example, add 5 percent of the nation's population, it would -- Texas would be required to produce 5 percent of the budget. And Texas could do that as it saw fit. It could exploit its own best resources, its natural resources or it' -- you could build a toll road across the state and charge tourists a dollar and charge Texans ten cents, or however it wanted to raise that money.

And each state could do that as natural resources in Alaska, tourism in Hawaii and Florida, gambling in Nevada. And each state could raise the money as it saw fit.

And the states -- their representatives would be under pressure from the people to hold down the federal government, not make it bigger. And every time the federal government decided that they wanted to go fight somebody somewhere, they would have to tell the states, "Look, folks, we're going to need another trillion dollars to go fight these people."

And the states might say, "Well, let's take a hard look at whether we really need to fight these people or not." Because the pressure would be on a lower budget, not a higher budget. And the states would be free. The federal government coming to them for the money, rather than the other way around.

So to me, it seems like a wonderful system, especially when you consider my overall platform, that there would be so much less government to fund.

GLENN: Darrell, the reason why I -- and I've got about 90 seconds to answer this.

The reason why yesterday I said, I don't know who I'm going to vote for. Because I said that I was probably going to vote for you. Is because I didn't think you were serious about really running. This -- you've dedicated your life for how many years to this. And where are you going to be, you know, on -- what are you going to be doing on November 9th?

DARRELL: Well, I'm going to be sitting in my law office like I am right now, practicing law and taking care of my clients and so forth. That's what I do for a living. But -- and that's where I personally am going to be, unless I'm elected president.

And if I do, I'll probably be -- well, I don't know. That would be a whole 'nother thing. But I -- I mean, I'll just go back to my law practice, assuming I don't win the election.

GLENN: You're one of the founders of the Constitution Party, right?

DARRELL: Yes, I am.

GLENN: And what drove you to that how many years ago?

DARRELL: Well, we founded it in 1992. Started in the latter months of '91.

What drove me to it? I was planning to not vote in that election. And a dear gentleman who became a good friend of mine convinced me that his efforts to start a third party could meet with some success. We thought that when people saw our platform and who we were and what we were trying to do, they would leave the Republican Party and join us. But we didn't -- we kind of underestimated the enemy's strength, I guess. But we did it because we believe that the Democrat/Republican Party would never take the nation where it needed to be. And that it would gradually, little by little, election by election, get worse and worse. We were right in that regard.

GLENN: That hasn't happened. No, that hasn't happened at all. I don't know what you're talking about.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: Darrell, thank you very much. I appreciate it. Are you on the ballot in all 50 states?

DARRELL: No, I'm not, Glenn. I'm on the ballot in 24 states as a name. And I'm on the ballot in 23 other states as a registered write-in.

GLENN: Okay. So you can write-in or you can -- or you can pull the lever because it will be on the ballot.

PAT: And how can people help? Where do you go if you want to donate or volunteer?

DARRELL: Well, you can go to my website, which is Castle2016.com. And that will give people an opportunity to send me money, which is always welcome.

(chuckling)

DARRELL: And they can go out on the 2016 Election Day, as I hope you will do, and do the right thing and vote for me. Because this country would be in far better shape if most people would do that. And I could wake up on November 9th and actually be president and this country -- the people of this country out there listening right now could in effect start a bloodless revolution.

GLENN: Yeah.

DARRELL: Even our own revolution was bloody, but this could be bloodless. And the world would never be the same, I can assure you. And everybody would be happy. All right. I know I got to go.

GLENN: I appreciate it. No, no. I appreciate it. Thank you very much. Darrell Castle from the Constitution Party. Don't throw your vote away. If you believe somebody, then vote for them, no matter who they are. Hillary people, you look at it, write in Bernie Sanders, go for Jill, go for the Libertarian -- write in or vote your conscience. He's right. It just gets worse and worse and worse.

Featured Image: Screenshot from C-SPAN

On Saturday, June 14, 2025 (President Trump's 79th birthday), the "No Kings" protest—a noisy spectacle orchestrated by progressive heavyweights like Randi Weingarten and her union cronies—will take place in Washington, D.C.

Thousands will chant "no thrones, no crowns, no king," claiming to fend off authoritarianism and corruption.

But let’s cut through the noise. The protesters' grievances—rigged courts, deported citizens, slashed services—are a house of cards. Zero Americans have been deported, Federal services are still bloated, and if anyone is rigging the courts, it's the Left. So why rally now, especially with riots already flaring in L.A.?

Chaos isn’t a side effect here—it’s the plan.

This is not about liberty; it's a power grab dressed up as resistance. The "No Kings" crowd wants you to buy their script: government’s the enemy—unless they’re the ones running it. It's the identical script from 2020: same groups, same tactics, same goal, different name.

But Glenn is flipping the script. He's dropping a new "No Kings but Christ" merch line, just in time for the protest. Merch that proclaims one truth: no earthly ruler owns us; only Christ does. It’s a bold, faith-rooted rejection of this secular circus.

Why should you care? Because this won’t just be a rally—it’ll be a symptom. Distrust in institutions is sky-high, and rightly so, but the "No Kings" answer is a hollow shout into the void. Glenn’s merch begs the question: if you’re ditching kings, who’s really in charge? Get yours and wear the answer proudly.

Truth unleashed: 95% say media’s excuses for anti-Semitism are a LIE

ELI IMADALI / Contributor | Getty Images

Glenn asked for YOUR take on the rising tide of anti-Semitism, and you delivered. After the Boulder attack, you made it clear: this isn’t just a news story—it’s a crisis the elites are dodging.

Your verdict is unmistakable: 96% of you see anti-Semitism as a growing threat in the U.S., brushing aside the establishment’s weak excuses. The spin does not fool you—95% say the media is deliberately downplaying the issue, hiding a cultural rot that’s all too real. And the government’s response? A whopping 95% of you call it a disgraceful failure, leaving communities exposed.

Your voices shatter the silence. Why should we trust narratives that dismiss your concerns? With 97% of you warning that anti-Semitism will surge in the years ahead, you’re demanding action and accountability. This is your stand for truth.

You spoke, and Glenn listened. Your bold response sends a message to those who’d rather ignore the problem. Keep raising your voice at Glennbeck.com—your input drives the fight for justice. Take part in the next poll and continue shaping the conversation.

Want to make your voice heard? Check out more polls HERE.

JPMorgan Chase CEO issues dire warning about America's prosperity

Win McNamee / Staff | Getty Images

Jamie Dimon has a grim forecast for America — and it’s not a recession. He sees a fragile nation drifting into crisis while its leaders fight over TikTok.

Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan Chase — one of the most powerful financial institutions on earth — issued a warning the other day. But it wasn’t about interest rates, crypto, or monetary policy.

Speaking at the Reagan National Defense Forum in California, Dimon pivoted from economic talking points to something far more urgent: the fragile state of America’s physical preparedness.

We are living in a moment of stunning fragility — culturally, economically, and militarily. It means we can no longer afford to confuse digital distractions with real resilience.

“We shouldn’t be stockpiling Bitcoin,” Dimon said. “We should be stockpiling guns, tanks, planes, drones, and rare earths. We know we need to do it. It’s not a mystery.”

He cited internal Pentagon assessments showing that if war were to break out in the South China Sea, the United States has only enough precision-guided missiles for seven days of sustained conflict.

Seven days — that’s the gap between deterrence and desperation.

This wasn’t a forecast about inflation or a hedge against market volatility. It was a blunt assessment from a man whose words typically move markets.

“America is the global hegemon,” Dimon continued, “and the free world wants us to be strong.” But he warned that Americans have been lulled into “a false sense of security,” made complacent by years of peacetime prosperity, outsourcing, and digital convenience:

We need to build a permanent, long-term, realistic strategy for the future of America — economic growth, fiscal policy, industrial policy, foreign policy. We need to educate our citizens. We need to take control of our economic destiny.

This isn’t a partisan appeal — it’s a sobering wake-up call. Because our economy and military readiness are not separate issues. They are deeply intertwined.

Dimon isn’t alone in raising concerns. Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt has warned that China has already overtaken the U.S. in key defense technologies — hypersonic missiles, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence to mention a few. Retired military leaders continue to highlight our shrinking shipyards and dwindling defense manufacturing base.

Even the dollar, once assumed untouchable, is under pressure as BRICS nations work to undermine its global dominance. Dimon, notably, has said this effort could succeed if the U.S. continues down its current path.

So what does this all mean?

Christopher Furlong / Staff | Getty Images

It means we are living in a moment of stunning fragility — culturally, economically, and militarily. It means we can no longer afford to confuse digital distractions with real resilience.

It means the future belongs to nations that understand something we’ve forgotten: Strength isn’t built on slogans or algorithms. It’s built on steel, energy, sovereignty, and trust.

And at the core of that trust is you, the citizen. Not the influencer. Not the bureaucrat. Not the lobbyist. At the core is the ordinary man or woman who understands that freedom, safety, and prosperity require more than passive consumption. They require courage, clarity, and conviction.

We need to stop assuming someone else will fix it. The next crisis — whether military, economic, or cyber — will not politely pause for our political dysfunction to sort itself out. It will demand leadership, unity, and grit.

And that begins with looking reality in the eye. We need to stop talking about things that don’t matter and cut to the chase: The U.S. is in a dangerously fragile position, and it’s time to rebuild and refortify — from the inside out.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

James J. Hill’s railroad triumph: Why private enterprise ALWAYS wins

Heritage Images / Contributor | Getty Images

On radio last week, Glenn discussed California’s bullet train project, which is a complete and total joke. Billions of dollars, decades in the making, and what do they have?

A hopeless boondoggle that’s become the poster child for government waste. Politicians just leaf-blowing your tax dollars into a black hole.

Rewind to the late 1800s, to a man named James J. Hill and his Great Northern Railroad – the polar opposite of California’s embarrassment. His story is about American grit, private enterprise, and it’s proof that when you keep the government’s hands off, you can get real results.

James J. Hill didn’t just build a railroad; he built a legacy that shames every federally funded train wreck of his era.

Picture this: it’s the 1870s, and railroads are the arteries of America’s growth. But most transcontinental lines, like the Union Pacific and Central Pacific, are swimming in federal cash through massive loans and land grants. They would get up to 20 square miles of land PER MILE of track, plus loans of $16,000 to $48,000 per mile, depending on the terrain. Naturally, those railroads were bloated, mismanaged, and built as fast as possible to grab the government subsidies. Since they got a pile of federal cash for every mile they completed, they often picked less efficient routes. The cheap and fast construction also meant the tracks were in constant disrepair and had to be re-laid. By the Financial Panic of 1893, they were bankrupt, bleeding money, and begging for bailouts.

Enter James J. Hill. This guy was different. He didn’t want Uncle Sam’s handouts. He spent three years researching the bankrupt St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, ensuring it could be profitable with strategic expansion. In 1878, Hill and his investment partners bought the SP&P with their own money. No federal loans, except for a single small land grant in Minnesota, that they needed to connect their line to the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Hill carefully used profits from this line to fund further expansion, avoiding excessive debt.

By 1893, the Great Northern Railroad stretched from Minnesota all the way to Seattle, built almost entirely with private capital. Why did Hill’s Great Northern become the gold standard? First, efficiency. Hill was obsessive. He scouted routes himself, picking paths like Marias Pass – the lowest crossing of the Rockies – saving millions of dollars by avoiding tunnels. His tracks had low grades, minimal curves, and were built to last.

Universal History Archive / Contributor | Getty Images

Second, Hill didn’t just build tracks; he built an economy. He attracted settlers by offering cheap fares, free seeds for their farms, and even programs that taught them better farming techniques. He invested in timber, ensuring that freight kept rolling. The result? His railroad always had plenty of customers, cargo, and cash flow. The federally funded lines, on the other hand, often ran through barren land, chasing land grants, not profits.

When the Panic of 1893 hit, the Great Northern line withstood the storm – it was one of only two Western railways NOT to go bankrupt.

Hill reinvested profits, kept debt low, and outmaneuvered the government’s new rate controls that crippled his competitors. By 1901, he controlled the Northern Pacific and Burlington lines, creating an empire that still exists today, part of a merger in the 1990s that created the BNSF Railway. That is the power of private enterprise – no government bloat, just hard work and vision.

James J. Hill’s Great Northern Railroad proves what happens when you let markets, not bureaucrats, drive progress. Hill’s legacy reinforces a vital truth: keep the government out, and let builders build. That’s the American way.