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Glenn Experiences Worst Interview of His Career With NPR

November 04, 2016
Lori Hanes

Writer

Yesterday, Glenn had what he described as the most outrageous, unprofessional interview he's ever experienced in his entire career --- and he's had a lot of bad interviews. Regularly taken out of context and asked to rehash comments from years earlier, Glenn has become accustomed to navigating challenging interviews. However, the reporter from NPR, who also happens to be a journalism professor, came in with a clear, predetermined agenda.

RELATED: So, Angelina Jolie’s Interview With the FBI About Brad Pitt Was Longer Than Hillary’s

"He wanted to get even," Glenn said Friday on his radio program. "Because he disagrees with me. He thinks I'm a bad guy."

The final question posed by the reporter confirmed his biased agenda.

"You would not believe his last question. And I guarantee, if you hear it on NPR, he's going to leave one part of his question out . . . the most unprofessional thing I've ever experienced," Glenn said.

An edited version of the interview will likely be aired on NPR this weekend.

Read below or watch the clip for answers to these questions:

• How many toads will Glenn have to kiss?

• Why is it critical to reach outside our circles and talk to people?

• Why did NPR say the interview would actually be about?

• Did NPR conduct its research from 2006?

• What were Glenn's parting words to the reporter?

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

Yesterday, I did absolutely -- I can't say I did it. I was asked to be interviewed by the most unprofessional interviewer I have ever experienced in my career. The most shameful display of hatred and destruction I have seen in my career. And I've done some pretty rough interviews.

I have been as -- the boys keep telling me every day, "Stop doing them, Glenn. Stop doing them."

I'm doing it because I feel we have to reach out, outside of our own circle. If we just continue to talk to each other, we're never going to make any progress because it will be us versus them. And I've got to find somebody -- I'm going to kiss a thousand toads, hoping that one of them will be a princess. And, you know what, all 1,000, all of them may be toads, but I am not giving up that there is somebody outside of our circle that feels exactly the same way we do, that this has got to stop.

PAT: Charlie Rose may have been a princess.

GLENN: I think he was. I think he was.

PAT: Or a prince. He might like that better.

GLENN: We'll see -- yeah. We'll see how that works out.

PAT: Yeah.

GLENN: And I don't expect any of them to have the same attitude with me after the election, if Hillary wins. I know. I know how they treated John McCain and everybody else on our side -- there's nobody -- unless you sell out your values and you become, what's his name, that Brooks or whatever his name is. Not Brooks.

PAT: David Brooks?

GLENN: Yeah, David Brooks. No, he's the left. The guy on the right who is always a conservative that flipped over to the liberal side and he still calls himself a conservative.

STU: David Brooks is the New York Times conservative --

GLENN: Yeah, okay. So it must be him.

STU: Yeah. Yeah. I think that's who you're thinking of.

GLENN: So -- so I'm not changing my principles. I'm not changing my policies. I'm trying to change my approach and be a better person. I said when I was on Megyn Kelly two years ago, I don't know what I would have done differently when I was on Fox.

Well, I still don't know. But I know what I didn't try was trying to watch every word to not say something inflammatory. Well, that's really hard. To be honest, to be clear, to know what the difference is between turning over the tables and being very, very clear and being inflammatory.

PAT: Plus, much of what they call inflammatory or hate speech was just telling the truth. And they just didn't want to hear it. And that's what pisses me off. Because we said -- we called Barack Obama what he was, and that's a Marxist. And that was perceived as racist and hateful. And it just -- he just was.

GLENN: Yeah.

PAT: Marxist -- being a Marxist isn't a sign of hatred. It's not a sign of racism.

GLENN: Well, there's nobody asking --

PAT: It adheres to a set of policies that we don't agree with, and we called him out on it.

GLENN: Right. Right now, there's no evidence that Donald Trump is a racist. There's no evidence of that, but I have heard journalists --

PAT: In the past, there is. But...

GLENN: Yes. Yes. Okay. But that's, again -- the -- but you're not going to hear people grilled over calling him a racist. Even though, there's no real --

PAT: That's for sure.

GLENN: -- no real evidence of that.

PAT: That's for sure.

GLENN: You're not going to hear anybody grilled on that on the right. Do you think, Stu?

STU: I was reading a review of Dr. Strange.

GLENN: Right. Okay.

(laughter)

GLENN: I mean, it's -- I mean, there are people who are saying those things who believe it. Those who don't. And you're having a conversation, trying to figure out who this guy is. Okay?

I take full responsibility for -- for my cavalier attitude on everything.

Anyway, I don't want to get back into this.

Here's where I'm headed: I'm doing this interview with NPR. And they want to talk about the future of, "Can we come together?" The future of the conservative movement. That's what I'm sold.

They start --

PAT: Wow.

GLENN: Yeah. They start with, you know, something that I said ten years ago.

JEFFY: Ten years ago.

GLENN: That was clearly explainable. He has the tape. I explain it. He has the tape. And he's like, "Well, let me take you back down." And it's exactly basically what I said. And it's all out of context.

And they then he asks, you know, so where have you been, you know, since you were on Megyn Kelly?

GLENN: And I said, "Well, I've helped raise $11 million to help the Syrian and Iraqi Christians to escape ISIS. We have held the largest peace march in Birmingham, Alabama, since -- since Martin Luther King."

JEFFY: I've employed hundreds of people here in the United States of America. What have you been doing, WNYC professor?

GLENN: Stop.

So I did blow a gasket there.

(chuckling)

And so the last question he asked me -- now, tell me -- tell me how we move forward. If we don't allow people to say, "I take responsibility for everything I did and I've asked for forgiveness -- and there's a time when you say, "Okay. I'm done asking for forgiveness. We have to move forward." And if it's not on -- if you need to keep dwelling on it, it's on you. You've got to let it go.

I've asked for forgiveness. I've been very public about it. Now it's on you. You have to move past it. And if you can't and you keep trapping somebody in the same place -- if we keep doing this -- if there's somebody with a change of heart and they really have a change of heart and we continually say, "No, they're a bad person." Well, then, that's on us. Watch them. And watch the fruits of their labors.

What are they actually doing?

Okay. This is what he said to me.

He said, "So this is -- and I'm paraphrasing. "This is a big show. I mean, you're an actor, and you just say things for show. You've said you're a rodeo clown." Blah, blah. Isn't this just a way for you to make more money and grab a new audience, and isn't this all just for show? And, by the way, I consider that a rhetorical question."

(laughter)

STU: Wow.

PAT: Jeez.

GLENN: I consider that a rhetorical question.

This is a journalism professor.

STU: Huh.

GLENN: I didn't know that at the time.

STU: It's a great point on -- that you've made a million times about the way we are teaching our young journalists.

GLENN: What are those -- what are those kids learning in his class? That's a question -- and I'll bet you, they edit out, "I consider that a rhetorical question." I can guarantee you they edit that out. I said nothing. I let it go for about a minute of silence.

And he said, "Mr. Beck." And I said, "Yes."

He said, "Do you have an answer?" And I said, "No, you said it was a rhetorical question."

(laughter)

JEFFY: You said it was rhetorical.

GLENN: It's unbelievable. Unbelievable.

PAT: And is that where it ended then?

GLENN: I said to him, "I hope that some day you can find in your heart a place where you can accept that people do change, people are trying to be better people."

(music)

JEFFY: You can count on that airing. Yeah, no kidding.

(music)

GLENN: Yeah.

STU: Did he start -- it seems like he started researching this interview in 2006 and then stopped after that.

PAT: Yeah, I know.

GLENN: It doesn't matter. Anyway, let's not do what they do.

PAT: No, let's. Let's.

GLENN: No, let's not do what they do. No.

Featured Image: The Glenn Beck Program

Glenn Beck's 'No King but Christ' merch: Will faith STOP the chaos?

On Saturday, June 14, 2025 (President Trump's 79th birthday), the "No Kings" protest—a noisy spectacle orchestrated by progressive heavyweights like Randi Weingarten and her union cronies—will take place in Washington, D.C.

Thousands will chant "no thrones, no crowns, no king," claiming to fend off authoritarianism and corruption.

But let’s cut through the noise. The protesters' grievances—rigged courts, deported citizens, slashed services—are a house of cards. Zero Americans have been deported, Federal services are still bloated, and if anyone is rigging the courts, it's the Left. So why rally now, especially with riots already flaring in L.A.?

Chaos isn’t a side effect here—it’s the plan.

This is not about liberty; it's a power grab dressed up as resistance. The "No Kings" crowd wants you to buy their script: government’s the enemy—unless they’re the ones running it. It's the identical script from 2020: same groups, same tactics, same goal, different name.

But Glenn is flipping the script. He's dropping a new "No Kings but Christ" merch line, just in time for the protest. Merch that proclaims one truth: no earthly ruler owns us; only Christ does. It’s a bold, faith-rooted rejection of this secular circus.

Why should you care? Because this won’t just be a rally—it’ll be a symptom. Distrust in institutions is sky-high, and rightly so, but the "No Kings" answer is a hollow shout into the void. Glenn’s merch begs the question: if you’re ditching kings, who’s really in charge? Get yours and wear the answer proudly.

Truth unleashed: 95% say media’s excuses for anti-Semitism are a LIE

ELI IMADALI / Contributor | Getty Images

Glenn asked for YOUR take on the rising tide of anti-Semitism, and you delivered. After the Boulder attack, you made it clear: this isn’t just a news story—it’s a crisis the elites are dodging.

Your verdict is unmistakable: 96% of you see anti-Semitism as a growing threat in the U.S., brushing aside the establishment’s weak excuses. The spin does not fool you—95% say the media is deliberately downplaying the issue, hiding a cultural rot that’s all too real. And the government’s response? A whopping 95% of you call it a disgraceful failure, leaving communities exposed.

Your voices shatter the silence. Why should we trust narratives that dismiss your concerns? With 97% of you warning that anti-Semitism will surge in the years ahead, you’re demanding action and accountability. This is your stand for truth.

You spoke, and Glenn listened. Your bold response sends a message to those who’d rather ignore the problem. Keep raising your voice at Glennbeck.com—your input drives the fight for justice. Take part in the next poll and continue shaping the conversation.

Want to make your voice heard? Check out more polls HERE.

JPMorgan Chase CEO issues dire warning about America's prosperity

Win McNamee / Staff | Getty Images

Jamie Dimon has a grim forecast for America — and it’s not a recession. He sees a fragile nation drifting into crisis while its leaders fight over TikTok.

Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan Chase — one of the most powerful financial institutions on earth — issued a warning the other day. But it wasn’t about interest rates, crypto, or monetary policy.

Speaking at the Reagan National Defense Forum in California, Dimon pivoted from economic talking points to something far more urgent: the fragile state of America’s physical preparedness.

We are living in a moment of stunning fragility — culturally, economically, and militarily. It means we can no longer afford to confuse digital distractions with real resilience.

“We shouldn’t be stockpiling Bitcoin,” Dimon said. “We should be stockpiling guns, tanks, planes, drones, and rare earths. We know we need to do it. It’s not a mystery.”

He cited internal Pentagon assessments showing that if war were to break out in the South China Sea, the United States has only enough precision-guided missiles for seven days of sustained conflict.

Seven days — that’s the gap between deterrence and desperation.

This wasn’t a forecast about inflation or a hedge against market volatility. It was a blunt assessment from a man whose words typically move markets.

“America is the global hegemon,” Dimon continued, “and the free world wants us to be strong.” But he warned that Americans have been lulled into “a false sense of security,” made complacent by years of peacetime prosperity, outsourcing, and digital convenience:

We need to build a permanent, long-term, realistic strategy for the future of America — economic growth, fiscal policy, industrial policy, foreign policy. We need to educate our citizens. We need to take control of our economic destiny.

This isn’t a partisan appeal — it’s a sobering wake-up call. Because our economy and military readiness are not separate issues. They are deeply intertwined.

Dimon isn’t alone in raising concerns. Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt has warned that China has already overtaken the U.S. in key defense technologies — hypersonic missiles, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence to mention a few. Retired military leaders continue to highlight our shrinking shipyards and dwindling defense manufacturing base.

Even the dollar, once assumed untouchable, is under pressure as BRICS nations work to undermine its global dominance. Dimon, notably, has said this effort could succeed if the U.S. continues down its current path.

So what does this all mean?

Christopher Furlong / Staff | Getty Images

It means we are living in a moment of stunning fragility — culturally, economically, and militarily. It means we can no longer afford to confuse digital distractions with real resilience.

It means the future belongs to nations that understand something we’ve forgotten: Strength isn’t built on slogans or algorithms. It’s built on steel, energy, sovereignty, and trust.

And at the core of that trust is you, the citizen. Not the influencer. Not the bureaucrat. Not the lobbyist. At the core is the ordinary man or woman who understands that freedom, safety, and prosperity require more than passive consumption. They require courage, clarity, and conviction.

We need to stop assuming someone else will fix it. The next crisis — whether military, economic, or cyber — will not politely pause for our political dysfunction to sort itself out. It will demand leadership, unity, and grit.

And that begins with looking reality in the eye. We need to stop talking about things that don’t matter and cut to the chase: The U.S. is in a dangerously fragile position, and it’s time to rebuild and refortify — from the inside out.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

James J. Hill’s railroad triumph: Why private enterprise ALWAYS wins

Heritage Images / Contributor | Getty Images

On radio last week, Glenn discussed California’s bullet train project, which is a complete and total joke. Billions of dollars, decades in the making, and what do they have?

A hopeless boondoggle that’s become the poster child for government waste. Politicians just leaf-blowing your tax dollars into a black hole.

Rewind to the late 1800s, to a man named James J. Hill and his Great Northern Railroad – the polar opposite of California’s embarrassment. His story is about American grit, private enterprise, and it’s proof that when you keep the government’s hands off, you can get real results.

James J. Hill didn’t just build a railroad; he built a legacy that shames every federally funded train wreck of his era.

Picture this: it’s the 1870s, and railroads are the arteries of America’s growth. But most transcontinental lines, like the Union Pacific and Central Pacific, are swimming in federal cash through massive loans and land grants. They would get up to 20 square miles of land PER MILE of track, plus loans of $16,000 to $48,000 per mile, depending on the terrain. Naturally, those railroads were bloated, mismanaged, and built as fast as possible to grab the government subsidies. Since they got a pile of federal cash for every mile they completed, they often picked less efficient routes. The cheap and fast construction also meant the tracks were in constant disrepair and had to be re-laid. By the Financial Panic of 1893, they were bankrupt, bleeding money, and begging for bailouts.

Enter James J. Hill. This guy was different. He didn’t want Uncle Sam’s handouts. He spent three years researching the bankrupt St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, ensuring it could be profitable with strategic expansion. In 1878, Hill and his investment partners bought the SP&P with their own money. No federal loans, except for a single small land grant in Minnesota, that they needed to connect their line to the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Hill carefully used profits from this line to fund further expansion, avoiding excessive debt.

By 1893, the Great Northern Railroad stretched from Minnesota all the way to Seattle, built almost entirely with private capital. Why did Hill’s Great Northern become the gold standard? First, efficiency. Hill was obsessive. He scouted routes himself, picking paths like Marias Pass – the lowest crossing of the Rockies – saving millions of dollars by avoiding tunnels. His tracks had low grades, minimal curves, and were built to last.

Universal History Archive / Contributor | Getty Images

Second, Hill didn’t just build tracks; he built an economy. He attracted settlers by offering cheap fares, free seeds for their farms, and even programs that taught them better farming techniques. He invested in timber, ensuring that freight kept rolling. The result? His railroad always had plenty of customers, cargo, and cash flow. The federally funded lines, on the other hand, often ran through barren land, chasing land grants, not profits.

When the Panic of 1893 hit, the Great Northern line withstood the storm – it was one of only two Western railways NOT to go bankrupt.

Hill reinvested profits, kept debt low, and outmaneuvered the government’s new rate controls that crippled his competitors. By 1901, he controlled the Northern Pacific and Burlington lines, creating an empire that still exists today, part of a merger in the 1990s that created the BNSF Railway. That is the power of private enterprise – no government bloat, just hard work and vision.

James J. Hill’s Great Northern Railroad proves what happens when you let markets, not bureaucrats, drive progress. Hill’s legacy reinforces a vital truth: keep the government out, and let builders build. That’s the American way.