Donald Trump Will Fundamentally Transform the Presidency

Just as Barack Obama promised to --- and succeeded in --- transforming the United States of America, so too will Donald Trump fundamentally transform America and the presidency, possibly more than anyone else. Woodrow Wilson and FDR changed it a great deal, but will President-elect Trump take it even further than President Obama?

"He is going to fundamentally transform the media, the media that comes out of the White House, the way the president communicates, the way the president is viewed, the things the president can say and do, the way the president behaves, and I think the fundamental structure of the presidency itself," Glenn said Tuesday on radio.

Is that a good or a bad thing?

"Just let me make the same warning to the right that I gave to the left in 2008: Don't push the pendulum too far. If you allow the president to have all kinds of unlimited power, and you like it because it's your side, remember the pendulum will swing back just as far, if not further. And at some point, there will be an emergency, and some president is going to grab the pendulum," Glenn said.

Listen to this segment from The Glenn Beck Program:

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN: Let me go back to what we were talking about. Because I made a statement that I believe that Donald Trump will change and fundamentally transform the United States of America and the presidency, possibly more than anyone else did, besides -- no, I think even more so. Woodrow Wilson and -- Woodrow Wilson and -- and FDR changed it a great deal. And I think Donald Trump is going to take it further than Barack Obama did. And you can look at that as a good thing or a bad thing. Just let me make the same warning to the right that I gave to the left in 2008.

Don't push the pendulum too far. If you -- if you allow the president to have all kinds of unlimited power and you like it because it's your side -- remember, the pendulum will swing back just as far, if not further. And at some point, there will be an emergency, and some president is going to grab the pendulum.

PAT: And if you don't believe that, it's happened both ways since you started talking about this during the Bush administration. It swung to the left.

GLENN: Yeah.

PAT: And we had Obama. Now it swung way back to the right, and we got Trump.

GLENN: So here's what's really interesting -- let me just take you through this pendulum, and then I'll get to the reason why I say this with the prediction.

If you -- if you look in 2001, we were already really angry with the left and right. We were already really angry with each other because of 2000, right? The election. It was selected not elected. It was all of that.

Then it was George Bush knew. He was part of 9/11. They forgot that it was Sandy Berger that went in and stole all the documents. So we know the Clintons had something to hide as well. But I don't believe the Clintons nor George Bush knew the World Trade Centers were coming down, had any indication at all. It's just that we excuse a lot of things from the Saudis. Okay?

That's the only thing I think they were covering up. We excuse a lot from the Saudis. So we were already mad. And then what happened?

9/11 was such a crystallizing moment for, what?

What happened to us, as a people? And really, me and you, all of us, what happened to us at 9/11?

First of all, we all loved each other, right? We even looked at Nancy Pelosi, standing there, singing God bless America. And we were like, "You know what, she and Harry Reid, they love the country just as much as we do. And we're all in this together." Right? That was the first reaction.

And what were they singing? Governor God Bless America. Okay. Not a problem. But then we became jingoistic. Then everything was wrapped in the red, white, and blue. The Patriot Act. The phrase even, "You're either with us or you're against us." And if you were against us, you were un-American.

And what did Hillary Clinton say? "I am tired of being told that if I have a different opinion than my -- right?

So who did we elect? We elected a guy who people in the country actually believed wasn't an American. And he was probably the most unlike an American president, more than anyone else. Would you agree with that?

He was an American. I don't question any of that.

STU: I mean, as far -- you're not outing yourself as a birther years after the birther controversy?

GLENN: No. No.

STU: Okay.

GLENN: Never been a birther. Here's the thing: Is there a president that was more -- that had a different view of America, a different upbringing of America than any other president? Any other president have more of a different view of America?

STU: To illustrate this point, the Clinton campaign specifically had internal memos that said, "We're not going to point out that he -- we're never going to say that he doesn't have an American background. But he's not going to relate to the center of the country."

This is back in 2007 and 2008. And this was one of the things they thought they could press on, all the time. Constantly talk about Hillary and her upbringing and the fact that she's been in America the whole time.

GLENN: Yeah.

STU: And she has those same values. They even saw that as a point of differentiation.

GLENN: Right. It's not good or bad. It just is. The guy grew up in a different -- more different than any other president that we've ever had. Okay?

Spent a lot of his time, not even overseas in Europe, which is similar, but Asia, which is completely different than what we know as the American experience.

So he comes in. His name is Barack Obama. The pendulum had swung so far to the baseball, apple pie, and mom, and red, white, and blue, that when it swung back, it swung to a guy named Barack Obama.

Then I said at that time, "If he is elected -- because he was so click. Remember, pendulum also (sound effect) shoe. Remember all of that from George W. Bush?

STU: Right.

GLENN: Where he was at times seemed incapable of coming up with easy words.

STU: Uh-huh.

GLENN: Barack Obama, never lost for words. Barack Obama, on prompter, slick, slick, slick. No George Bush moments, at least to be seen of Barack Obama trying to get the doors opened in China. No, you know, turkey sticking his, you know, face into the president's pants. All of those faux pas, completely eradicated. The halo. So it swings all the way back.

At the time, we're going to have a gravy stain guy that said, "Yeah, I farted. Everybody farts, right?" Well, that pretty much is Donald Trump.

STU: Completely right. That prediction -- the pendulum theory on that worked exactly the way you said it was going to work.

GLENN: Exactly right. Exactly right. So what does the pendulum going go back to? I'm not sure yet. But no place good. No place good.

STU: I'll tell you where it goes back to. He's in the Trump Tower right now, meeting with Donald Trump. His name's Kanye West. Kanye 2020. That's what it ends up as.

GLENN: I think if we're lucky, it swings back to Tom Hanks. We look for an adult in the room. And it swings back to somebody like Tom Hanks. But it could swing to a Kanye West.

STU: We're at the point now we're not even considering people who aren't celebrities. It's either Kanye or Tom Hanks. Which one is it going to be?

GLENN: So here is the reason why I say that Donald Trump is going to change the presidency more than any other president ever.

We have said for a long time, "This job is too big. This job is just -- how come you be somebody who has run a company, is perfectly clean in everything, is -- can -- can use the media and understand how to communicate ideas -- how can you be all of those things?"

We've said forever, "You can't. You can't."

And so we've gone -- we have gone for people who just know the Constitution. But that's not very popular.

Look at, Ted Cruz was the worst when it comes to communication skills. The worst.

But he is -- in my opinion, he was the most competent on the -- on the dais. The most competent.

Now, a lot of people thought, "Oh, I like Ted Cruz, but he's just the worst when it comes to presentation. So I'll go for Marco Rubio. I'll go for Donald Trump." A lot of people went for Donald Trump because, quote, he could win. He will beat Hillary. He will beat the press.

Well, that's only one part of the presidency.

Donald Trump is meeting today with Kanye West. What could he possibly have to say to Kanye West? Nothing. The guy is a showman. The guy is -- he is putting together a show for America.

Now, I think that's important. And it may be -- to get things done, it may one of the most important things. But how he puts everything together, I don't know.

But look at how he's already changed.

The president, under George W. Bush, was -- was an honored space. You didn't go in -- you didn't go into the Oval Office -- think of this. During the George Bush administration, a lot of people were up in arms because one of the girls volleyball teams or something -- a couple of the girls showed up in the Oval Office wearing flip-flops. Do you remember that controversy?

STU: Yes. Yeah.

GLENN: Okay. Somebody was in the picture, in the Oval Office wearing flip-flops.

The president, until Barack Obama, didn't carry a phone. The controversy of him carrying a phone -- who do you need to call? You're the president. They'll get them on the phone for you. Why do you need a phone?

Now it has swung back so far from that, that we can tell you when the president-elect gets up at night to go pee. It's usually about 3 o'clock in the morning because that's when he tweets again. So he's getting up in the morning to take a pee, sitting down on the crapper and deciding to tweet something, then go back to bed.

He is going to fundamentally transform the media, the media that comes out of the White House, the way the president communicates, the way the president is viewed, the things the president can say and do, the way the president behaves, and I think the fundamental structure of the presidency itself.

Featured Image: President-elect Donald Trump and Kanye West stand together in the lobby at Trump Tower, December 13, 2016 in New York City. President-elect Donald Trump and his transition team are in the process of filling cabinet and other high level positions for the new administration. (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

Watch the video below to hear more details:



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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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To enjoy more of Glenn's masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution and live the American dream.