Truth About Communism: Part I

We're told that genocidal dictators are manifestations of the hateful right, while left-wing icons like Che, Mao and Stalin need to be understood in context. To get our feet on the solid ground of truth, we must walk through the past with eyes wide open.

Modern conservatism, in a nutshell, is that government is not the solution to our problems; government is the problem. If that belief is the foundation of conservative thinking, how can Hitler's Nazi Germany, which controlled every aspect of a citizen's life, be labeled as conservatism or right-wing philosophy? How could that be true? Or is it the left's attempt to distract from the similarities between communism, socialism and fascist Germany?

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GLENN: We've always been told that genocidal dictators of the world, oh, they're just manifestations of the hateful right. But the left-wing icons like Che, Mao, Stalin, need to be understood in context.

But we live in a time that seems to move faster than time, a place that seems to have no place for truth, a reality that seems to have no connection to reality.

So to get our feet on solid ground for the future, we must first walk through the past with our eyes wide open.

VOICE: Government is not the solution to our problem. Government is the problem.

GLENN: That is modern conservatism in a nutshell. Yet we're always told that Nazi Germany, who controlled every aspect of citizen's lives is somehow conservative or right-wing.

Is it true, or is it an attempt to distract us from other much more inconvenient similarities?

VOICE: Author of Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning, explains.

VOICE: They say, you know, Hitler was a right-winger because of X, Y and Z. I say, well, what was Stalin's position on X, Y, and Z? The common assumption is that the Nazis were a right-wing phenomena, they were a right-wing party, that Hitler was a man of the right and all of the rest. And there were a lot of problems with this. His social agenda was for expanding universal access to health care. It was for expanding access to education. It for cradle to grave welfare state. It was for attacking big business and high finance.

People say, "Well, Hitler abolished labor unions. He was right-wing then."

Well, how did labor unions do under Stalin, under Fidel Castro? Almost anything you can find on a checklist that allegedly proves Hitler was a right-winger, you can apply to almost any one of the major Communist dictators of the 20th century. And the similarities are almost identical.

GLENN: Today this idea may seem controversial. But as the Nazis were rising to power, it wasn't controversial. It was common knowledge. November 28th, 1995, a tiny article printed in the New York Times describing the early internal struggle for the identity of the Nazis.

A riot broke out after a Nazi speaker claimed that Lenin was the greatest man, second only to Hitler. And the difference between communism and the Hitler faith was very slight.

VOICE: The communists in the Reichstag voted almost uniformly with the Nazis. They voted in lockstep. The slogan for the communists and the Reichstag was, first brown, then red. The general understanding among the communists, among socialists back then was that Naziism was a steppingstone towards the ultimate victory of socialism and communism.

GLENN: While Hitler certainly opposed communism outwardly, he did so mainly because he disagreed with its internationalism.

VOICE: He was a proud German. A German nationalist, a German jingoist. Not a patriot. But a nationalist. And he rejected that element of Marxism. But he embraced socialism entirely. He embraced the idea of racial solidarity, of socialism of one race.

GLENN: Even in Mein Kampf, he acknowledged that the movements were so close, that if not for the focus on race, his nationalist socialist movement would really do nothing more than compete with Marxism on its own ground. But Nazi Germany had no corner on the market with racism and anti-Semitism.

VOICE: Marx, you need to remember, was Jewish. He was a self-hating Jew. He rejected Judaism and all of the rest, but he was Jewish. And Hitler hated Jews. I mean, this is not a news flash. Hitler was a passionate anti-Semite. And he saw Marxism as corrupted with a deep-seated Jewish nature. The irony here is that so did Marx. Marx was a real anti-Semite. He wrote about the Jewish problem, a generation before the Nazis started talking about the Jewish problem. He said how we had to purge the Jewish spirit from western civilization, from global civilization. He had horrible racist things to say about Jews and of blacks. And Hitler, very much, inherited that Marxist analysis when it came to things like Jews and other races.

GLENN: Sometimes it's hard to tell Hitler and Marx apart. Who wrote that Germany's neighbors should accept the physical and intellectual power of the German nation to subdue, absorb, and assimilate its ancient eastern neighbors? That's Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, authors of the Communist Manifesto, almost a century before the Holocaust. Hitler's underlying admiration for Marxism was obvious.

VOICE: In Mein Kampf, Hitler writes about the Nazi party flag, which is this big red flag with a white disk in the middle and the Swastika in the center. Hitler explains quite clearly in Mein Kampf that the red, the big sea of red that the swastika was in, was intended to attract socialists to his movement. The red flag was the emblem of the communists. It's the reason why we call them the reds.

GLENN: But it went deeper than similar ideology and imagery. Until Germany launched a surprise attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, the Nazis and the Soviets worked together. They even put it in writing, signing what was originally sold as a nonaggression pact. But just weeks later, they would invade Poland from opposite sides. But is this just a story of brutal iron-fisted dictators or something inherent in the philosophy?

The fathers of communism, Marx and Engels, believed that society would evolve from capitalism to socialism. But they acknowledged that there were, still, what they called, primitive societies that hadn't even evolved into capitalist yet. They called them racial trash.

As the revolution happens, the classes and the -- the races too weak to master the new conditions of life must give way.

There was only one thing left for those too far behind in the process of societal evolution. The chief mission of all other races and peoples large and small is to perish in the revolutionary holocaust. All of these systems are based on the idea that we know better, that the little people are getting in the way of our plan. And, well, we'll just go around them. And then we have to destroy them.

This arrogance always ends exactly the same way. One of history's worst examples, the genocide you've never heard of. We share that, in the next episode.

This week on the Glenn Beck Podcast, Glenn spoke with Vox co-founder Matthew Yglesias about his new book, "One Billion Americans: The Case for Thinking Bigger."

Matthew and Glenn agree that, while conservatives and liberals may disagree on a lot, we're not as far apart as some make it seem. If we truly want America to continue doing great things, we must spend less time fighting amongst ourselves.

Watch a clip from the full interview with Matthew Yglesias below:


Find the full podcast on Glenn's YouTube channel or on Blaze Media's podcast network.

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'A convenient boogeyman for misinformation artists': Why is the New York Times defending George Soros?

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On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Tuesday, Glenn discussed the details of a recent New York Times article that claims left-wing billionaire financier George Soros "has become a convenient boogeyman for misinformation artists who have falsely claimed that he funds spontaneous Black Lives Matter protests as well as antifa, the decentralized and largely online, far-left activist network that opposes President Trump."

The Times article followed last week's bizarre Fox News segment in which former House Speaker Newt Gingrich appeared to be censored for criticizing Soros (read more here). The article also labeled Glenn a "conspiracy theorist" for his tweet supporting Gingrich.

Watch the video clip below for details:


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The former ambassador to Russia under the Obama Administration, Michael McFaul, came up with "7 Pillars of Color Revolution," a list of seven steps needed to incite the type of revolution used to upend Eastern European countries like Ukraine and Georgia in the past two decades. On his TV special this week, Glenn Beck broke down the seven steps and showed how they're happening right now in America.

Here are McFaul's seven steps:

1. Semi-autocratic regime (not fully autocratic) – provides opportunity to call incumbent leader "fascist"

2. Appearance of unpopular president or incumbent leader

3. United and organized opposition – Antifa, BLM

4. Effective system to convince the public (well before the election) of voter fraud

5. Compliant media to push voter fraud narrative

6. Political opposition organization able to mobilize "thousands to millions in the streets"

7. Division among military and police


Glenn explained each "pillar," offering examples and evidence of how the Obama administration laid out the plan for an Eastern European style revolution in order to completely upend the American system.

Last month, McFaul made a obvious attempt to downplay his "color revolutions" plan with the following tweet:

Two weeks later, he appeared to celebrate step seven of his plan in this now-deleted tweet:



As Glenn explains in this clip, the Obama administration's "7 Pillars of Color Revolution" are all playing out – just weeks before President Donald Trump takes on Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the November election.

Watch the video clip below to hear more from Glenn:


Watch the full special "CIVIL WAR: The Way America Could End in 2020" here.

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Modern eugenics: Will Christians fight this deadly movement?

Photo by Olga Kononenko on Unsplash

Last month, without much fanfare, a new research paper disclosed that 94 percent of Belgian physicians support the killing of new-born babies after birth if they are diagnosed with a disability.

A shocking revelation indeed that did not receive the attention it demanded. Consider this along with parents who believe that if their unborn babies are pre-diagnosed with a disability, they would choose to abort their child. Upwards of 70 percent of mothers whose children are given a prenatal disability diagnosis, such as Down Syndrome, abort to avoid the possibility of being burdened with caring for a disabled child.

This disdain for the disabled hits close to home for me. In 1997, my family received a letter from Michael Schiavo, the husband of my sister, Terri Schiavo, informing us that he intended to petition a court to withdraw Terri's feeding tube.

For those who do not remember, in 1990, at the age of 26, Terri experienced a still-unexplained collapse while at home with Michael, who subsequently became her legal guardian. Terri required only love and care, food and water via feeding tube since she had difficulty swallowing as a result of her brain injury. Nonetheless, Michael's petition was successful, and Terri's life was intentionally ended in 2005 by depriving her of food and water, causing her to die from dehydration and starvation. It took almost two excruciating weeks.

Prior to my sister's predicament, the biases that existed towards persons with disabilities had been invisible to me. Since then, I have come to learn the dark history of deadly discrimination towards persons with disabilities.

Indeed, some 20 years prior to Germany's T4 eugenics movement, where upwards of 200,000 German citizens were targeted and killed because of their physical or mental disability, the United States was experiencing its own eugenics movement.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas documented some of this history in his concurring opinion in Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, Inc., Justice Thomas describes how eugenics became part of the academic curriculum being taught in upwards of 400 American universities and colleges.

It was not solely race that was the target of the U.S. eugenics movement. Eugenicists also targeted the institutionalized due to incurable illness, the physically and cognitively disabled, the elderly, and those with medical dependency.

In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court handed down Roe v. Wade, which wiped out pro-life laws in nearly every state and opened the floodgates to abortion throughout the entirety of pregnancy. Since then, 60 million children have been killed. Abortion as we know it today has become a vehicle for a modern-day eugenics program.

Since the Catholic Church was established, the Truth of Christ was the greatest shield against these types of attacks on the human person and the best weapon in the fight for equality and justice. Tragically, however, for several decades, the Church has been infiltrated by modernist clergy, creating disorder and confusion among the laity, perverting the teachings of the Church and pushing a reckless supposed “social justice" agenda.

My family witnessed this firsthand during Terri's case. Church teaching is clear: it is our moral obligation to provide care for the cognitively disabled like Terri. However, Bishop Robert Lynch, who was the bishop of the Diocese of St. Petersburg, Florida, during Terri's case, offered no support and was derelict in his duties during the fight for Terri's life.

Bishop Lynch had an obligation to use his position to protect Terri from the people trying to kill her and to uphold Church teaching. Indeed, it was not only the silence of Bishop Lynch but that of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), which also remained silent despite my family's pleas for help, that contributed to Terri being needlessly starved and dehydrated to death.

My family's experience, sadly, has turned out to be more of the rule than the exception. Consider what happened to Michael Hickson. Hickson was a 36-year-old, brain-injured person admitted to a Texas hospital after contracting COVID-19. Incredibly—and against the wishes of Michael's wife—the hospital decided not to treat Michael because they arbitrarily decided that his “quality of life" was “unacceptably low" due to his pre-existing disability. Michael died within a week once the decision not to treat him was imposed upon him despite the efforts of his wife to obtain basic care for her husband.

During my sister's case and our advocacy work with patients and their families, it would have been helpful to have a unified voice coming from our clergy consistently supporting the lives of our medically vulnerable. We desperately need to see faithful Catholic pastoral witness that confounds the expectations of the elite by pointing to Jesus Christ and the moral law.

A Church that appears more concerned with baptizing the latest social and political movements is a Church that may appear to be “relevant," but one that may also find itself swallowed up by the preoccupations of our time.

As Catholics, we know all too well the reluctance of priests to preach on issues of abortion, euthanasia, assisted suicide, and other pro-life issues. We have heard that the Church cannot risk becoming too political.

At the same time, some within the Church are now openly supporting Black Lives Matter, an organization that openly declares itself hostile to the family, to moral norms as taught by the Church, and whose founders embrace the deadly ideology of Marxism.

For example, Bishop Mark J. Seitz of El Paso, Texas, knelt in prayer with a cardboard sign asserting his support for this ideology.

Recently, during an online liturgy of the mass, Fr. Kenneth Boller at The Church of St. Francis Xavier in New York, led the congregation with what appears to sound like questions affirming the BLM agenda. Moreover, while reading these questions, pictures of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, assumed victims of racial injustice, were placed on the altar of St. Francis Xavier Church, a place typically reserved for Saints of the Catholic Church.

Contrast these two stories with what happened in the Diocese of Lafayette, Indiana, where Rev. Theodore Rothrock of St. Elizabeth Seton Church fell victim to the ire of Bishop Timothy Doherty. Fr. Rothrock used strong language in his weekly church bulletin criticizing the Black Lives Matter movement and its organizers. Consequently, Bishop Doherty suspended Fr. Rothrock from public ministry.

In 1972, Pope Pius VI said, “The smoke of Satan has entered the temple of God." It seems that too many of our clergy today are enjoying the smell.

I encourage all who are concerned about the human right to life and about Christ-centered reforms in our culture and our Church to raise your voices for pastoral leadership in every area of our shared lives as Christian people.

Bobby Schindler is a Senior Fellow with Americans United for Life, Associate Scholar at the Charlotte Lozier Institute, and President of the Terri Schiavo Life & Hope Network.