War on Women: Part III

"I Am Woman, Hear Me Roar," was one of the biggest hit songs in the 1970s from singer Helen Reddy. In the midst of a social upheaval that revolted against traditional female roles, it became the background anthem for protests against beauty pageants, bra burning demonstrations and the failed Equal Rights Amendment.

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[music]

GLENN: Such was the popular refrain from singer Helen Reddy, among others, in the '60s and '70s. I Am Woman was one of the biggest hits in 1971. For thousands of years, the roles of men and women had seemed to be pretty well defined and for the most part, generally accepted. Generally speaking, men were the hunter gatherers, and women were the nurturers. But society changed. And it took some time to adapt to that change. And as transitions can get, this one was occasionally rocky. There was a time in between when popular culture made it seem that the most important task a woman had was just to make a good cup of coffee for her man.

VOICE: Your coffee, sir.

VOICE: Thanks, beautiful.

VOICE: You're welcome.

VOICE: How can such a pretty wife make such bad coffee?

VOICE: I heard that.

VOICE: Judy, what brings you over?

VOICE: Oh, Mrs. Olson, Frank crabbed about my coffee again.

VOICE: Oh, coffee problems.

VOICE: It sure is. I can't make good coffee.

VOICE: Good coffee is no problem. You just use the coffee with better flavor, Folger's.

VOICE: Folger's coffee?

GLENN: And for the love of heaven, whatever you do, don't let the little lady drive.

VOICE: Depending on how you drive and your car's condition, you can get incredible mileage from the Goodyear custom-wide tread poly glass tire.

VOICE: I've got 32,000 miles on my tires.

VOICE: I've got 41,000 miles on my poly glass.

VOICE: But poly glass means more than mileage when your wife has to drive alone.

(music)

VOICE: When a woman is at the wheel, poly glass means more than mileage.

GLENN: In the midst of all the social upheaval over the roles of men and women, ads and attitudes like these just ignited the spark of social change that led to the feminist movement of the '60s and '70s. One of the most famous protests during the movement took place in Atlantic City. It happened during the Miss America Pageant in 1968.

VOICE: To the feminists, the annual television beauty pageants seemed a gross offense.

VOICE: Miss Illinois is Miss America.

(music)

VOICE: We are going to sing your song.

(music)

VOICE: Inside, one set of young women accepted the chauvinist baubles. Outside, others carried on with more consciousness raising.

GLENN: Women were everywhere, burning their bras and demanding equal rights.

VOICE: We threw bras and girdles and stockings, high high-heeled shoes and cosmetics into the trash can. The press loved it. And we learned very early on that the press liked crazy things, so let's use the press.

GLENN: As legendary and worldwide as the bra-burning event was, it is interesting that the actual bra burning never really happened.

VOICE: We didn't burn any bras. They would have happened if they had allowed us to have a fire.

VOICE: They struck the coverage they wanted, but at some risk to their reputation.

VOICE: For those who think that the Women's Liberation Movement is a joke, vaguely connected with burning bars and getting in the men-only bars, I disabuse you of that notion. It is about equal pay and equal opportunity in the job market.

GLENN: Protesters tossed their underwear into a large trash can, labeled The Freedom Trash Can. But without permits, the clothing was never burned. They're real rebels. The movement was definitely still making moves.

VOICE: In America, they started to burn their bras. And the women's movement had already begun. They thought, if they can do it, we have to do it in Holland.

GLENN: But the coverage wasn't always popular.

VOICE: Fifty years ago today, the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution gave women the right to vote. On this anniversary, a militant minority of women's liberationists was on the streets, across the country, to demand equal employment.

VOICE: It turned out, there really weren't a lot of would-be liberated women willing to stop their work for the day in New York. Early demonstrations tended to be small and the onlookers by no means were always sympathetic.

GLENN: It seemed that almost no one was opposed to women having equal opportunities for employment and compensation under equal circumstances. But with abortion on demand thrown in on top of it, along with many questions of equal access to all public bathroom facilities and the even more concerning prospect of women being drafted into the military service and placed on the front lines of battlefields, the ERA amendment became much, much tougher to sell to the American people.

William Buckley discussed some of these issues with ERA opponent Phyllis Schlafly.

VOICE: The state of Connecticut ratified the so-called Equal Rights Amendment. The proposed constitutional amendment passed overwhelmingly by the Senate and the House holds that, quote, equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex.

That doesn't sound particularly subversive. And I would therefore like to begin by asking Mrs. Schlafly to state her principal objection to the ERA.

VOICE: Well, it's a very innocuous wording of the amendment that is the reason why many people didn't realize in the beginning what unfortunate consequences it would have. But fortunately, the amending process calls for a full-blown debate in the state legislatures around the country, and this is where we find out some of the things that were not originally realized by many people who voted for it. We find, as we look into the matter, that ERA won't give women anything which they haven't already got or have a way of getting. But, on the other hand, it will take away from women some of the most important rights and bits and exemptions we now have.

VOICE: What would be an example of that?

VOICE: Well, a great, glaring example on which there is full agreement between both the proponents and opponents is the matter of the draft. Women are exempt from the draft. Selective service as only young men of age 18 have to register. But the Equal Rights Amendment will positively make women subject to the draft and on an equal basis with men. Nor could you have a system whereby the women would get all the nice easy desk jobs and the men get all the fighting jobs. It would have to be equal across-the-board, in combat, on warships, and all up and down the line.

GLENN: Vice chairman Anne Scott.

VOICE: There's no question that if the Equal Rights Amendment is passed, that women would become subject to the draft. However, I think that we have a situation now where the draft is going by the boards. And furthermore, I think the question is not one of the rights of women here, but it is a question of the draft. Clearly, no sane parent would want to see either child, either a son or a daughter subject to the draft.

But if women are to be citizens and citizens are to be subject to the draft, then women should take the responsibilities as well as the rights of citizenship. It's not simply a question of being subject to the draft, it is also a question of denial of opportunity. There are many situations in which women could benefit from the draft. They already are in the service.

VOICE: And become a war hero.

VOICE: Why not?

GLENN: No matter how enlightened society was or wasn't during the 1970s, the idea of America's daughters being drafted into military service and placed on the front lines of a combat situation just didn't sit well for most Americans.

Despite some impressive and possibly unlikely supporter over the years, including the Republican president of the United States in 1975 --

VOICE: Women's liberation is truly the liberation of all people. Let 1975, international women's year, be the year that ERA is ratified.

GLENN: Obviously, 1975 was not that year. Even with Gerald Ford's endorsement. Nor was any other year.

On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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On Friday's radio program, Bill O'Reilly joins Glenn Beck discuss the possible outcomes for the Democrats in 2020.

Why are former President Barack and First Lady Michelle Obama working overtime to convince Americans they're more moderate than most of the far-left Democratic presidential candidates? Is there a chance of a Michelle Obama vs. Donald Trump race this fall?

O'Reilly surmised that a post-primary nomination would probably be more of a "Bloomberg play." He said Michael Bloomberg might actually stand a chance at the Democratic nomination if there is a brokered convention, as many Democratic leaders are fearfully anticipating.

"Bloomberg knows he doesn't really have a chance to get enough delegates to win," O'Reilly said. "He's doing two things: If there's a brokered convention, there he is. And even if there is a nominee, it will probably be Biden, and Biden will give [him] Secretary of State or Secretary of Treasury. That's what Bloomberg wants."

Watch the video below to catch more of the conversation:

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