History of the Democratic Party: Part III

The Democratic Party has indeed been the party of diversity. It has persecuted Native Americans, African-Americans, Asian-Americans and German Americans alike. They love to hear from people with all kinds of views and backgrounds --- as long as they're in lockstep with the prevailing elites of the party. After all, they are Democrats.

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The roots of the Democratic Party, which had sprung from the ashes of the Democratic Republican Party in 1830, were deeply and unquestionably racist.

I know this is quite a statement to make, but Democrats repeatedly lied to, broke treaties with, and slaughtered Indians.  They supported slavery, fractured the nation with secession of the South, and in large measure, were responsible for thrusting America into the Civil War, which cost over 600,000 lives.

The political ideology of the Democrats, however, hadn't been so radical or so destructive, as their racist tendencies.  At least, not until Woodrow Wilson.

Wilson coupled the party's racism with radical progressivism.  That's why the election of 1912 was a critical turning point in the history of the party and the United States.

VOICE:  The incumbent was Republican William Howard Taft.  The Democratic challenger, tall and dignified, Woodrow Wilson.  And taking them both on was the most formidable third party candidate in history, former Republican president Theodore Roosevelt.

Disappointed that his handpicked successor Taft had abandoned many of his policies, Roosevelt had actually tried to rest the Republican nomination away from him.  He failed.  And at that point could have chosen to bow out gratefully, but this was Teddy Roosevelt

VOICE:  He said, I stand in Armageddon to do battle for the Lord.

VOICE:  Running under the banner of the new progressive party, the popular Roosevelt capsized Taft's reelection bid.  But TR's candidacy had an unintended consequence:  By splitting the Republican vote, he allowed the Democrat, Wilson, to win the White House.

GLENN:  While it was a former Republican, Teddy Roosevelt, who started and ran under the progressive party banner, it was Democrat Woodrow Wilson who was even more progressive than Roosevelt.  A note here:  Progressivism is Marxism that is accomplished without revolution, more slowly and under a different name.  The principles are essentially the same.

It was under Wilson's leadership that the Democratic Party took a huge left turn.  It had been a party that had been leery of centralized government, while Wilson pushed for and succeeded in greatly enlarging the size of the federal government, the one they were all so afraid of.

He also adopted the policy of an early Democratic progressive, William Jennings Bryant, in pushing for and this time succeeding in bringing about a progressive national income tax.  Seems we always forget the progressive part of tax.

Now, up until his presidency, the United States had been free of the burden of a permanent national income tax.  It was almost universally believed to be unconstitutional.

Yet, Wilson took office March 4th of 1913.  And by October of that year, the United States had been fundamentally transformed and altered, with a new progressive income tax.

With it came the IRS and the Federal Reserve.  And America would never be the same again.

Wilson had also changed the American power structure.  Before his administration, the executive branch was at best, simply equal to Congress.  But he made the presidency superior to Congress.  Wilson also worked really hard to fundamentally transform the United States.  Of America's original founding document, Wilson said...

VOICE:  Some citizens of this country have never gotten beyond the Declaration of Independence.  The Declaration of Independence did not mention the questions of our day.  It is of no consequence to us.

GLENN:  Americans were never meant to get beyond the Declaration of Independence.  It is inextricably linked to the Constitution and to every principle of governance that we hold dear.  It is the idea of America, while the Constitution is the framework to make that idea work.

Wilson's thoughts, however, on the Constitution were similar to his thoughts on the declaration.

VOICE:  All the progressives ask or desire is permission.  In an era when development -- evolution is the scientific word to interpret the Constitution according to the Darwinian principle.  All they ask is recognition of the fact that a nation is a living thing and not a machine.

GLENN:  In other words, all he desired was the ability to interpret the Constitution in whatever way he might deem appropriate.

In Woodrow Wilson's mind, the Constitution was ever changing, ever evolving, rather than a set of rights that were eternal.

With that in mind, Wilson set out his agenda.  One of his worst acts was sponsoring the Espionage and Sedition Acts.  The Sedition Act prohibited criticism of the government, armed forces, or the war effort.  This, after Wilson had promised and been reelected for keeping the United States out of World War I.

If the citizens dare violate the act and actually said, "Wait a minute.  What did you just say?"  They were imprisoned or fined.  Some 1500 people were arrested under this law, including socialist presidential candidate Eugene Debs.  As of all of that were not enough un-American activity for one president, Wilson went so far as to have thousands of German Americans forced into one of two internment camps that he had set up in the United States.  One of the camps was in Utah.  And the other one was in Georgia.

Remember, this isn't the Japanese internment.  This was two decades before.  Just a few of the notable German interns were geneticist Richard Goldschmidt, as well as 29 of the very scary and dangerous members of the Boston symphony orchestra.  The orchestra's musical conductor, Carl Muck, spent more than a year at the camp in Georgia, as did Ernst Kunwald, the musical director of the Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra.

What are we afraid of?  Oh, are they ninjas with the batons?  How, you might be asking, in a nation with a revered Constitution, such as America, which prohibits all of these actions, can all of this take place?  Author of Theodore and Woodrow, Judge Napolitano sums up exactly how it happened.

VOICE:  Roosevelt -- and I speak of Theodore, of course -- and Wilson openly boasted that they were not obliged to follow the words of the Constitution, that as president they could make changes on their own.  So you have two presidents who believe -- this is a radical difference from all of their predecessors, even Lincoln, that they can from the White House order and direct changes which will affect the lives of every American.

GLENN:  Coupled with the inaction of separate, but equal branches of government, Congress and the judicial branch and the nation was thrust into a constitutional crisis that virtually nobody even noticed.

As I said earlier, the American people had been very vocal about staying out of the war in Europe.  And Wilson had been reelected in large part because he had kept America out of World War I.

Nearly as soon as he was reelected, however, Wilson wasted absolutely no time in using the sinking of the British passenger ship, the Lusitania, to plunge the United States into the worst war in world history up until that time.  Wilson claimed...

VOICE:  I am an advocate of peace, but there are some splendid things that come to a nation through the discipline of war.

GLENN:  The Alien and Sedition Act was one of those splendid things he had accomplished.  He was also interning American citizens behind barbed wire.  He also splendidly raised the top income tax rate from 15 to 77 percent.  And along the way, he resegregated the civil service and US military.  But other than that, he was a constitutional dream.

Considering all of this, it is inconceivable to hear modern day Democrats sing Wilson's praises or seek to even be associated with him, as Hillary Clinton did several years ago.

HILLARY:  I prefer the word "progressive," which has a real American meaning, going back to the progressive area at the beginning of the 20th century.  I consider myself a modern progressive, someone who believes strongly in individual rights and freedoms, who believes that we are better as a society, when we're working together.  And when we find ways to help those who may not have all the advantages in life get the tools they need to lead a more productive life for themselves and their families.

GLENN:  Sure.  I mean, who wouldn't be inspired by an early 20th century American progressive?  And comments like this one from Woodrow Wilson.

VOICE:  The white men were roused by a mere instinct of self-preservation, until the last there had sprung into existence a great Ku Klux Klan, a veritable empire of the South, to protect the Southern country.

GLENN:  The believer he was in the KKK, he actually premiered the movie that glorified the Klan, called Birth of a Nation at the White House -- it was the first movie ever to be screened at the White House.

So given the despicable legacy of the party, it's difficult to understand the arrogance of many of today's Democratic elites, such as Hillary Clinton, who stated...

HILLARY:  Now, as Democrats, we have diverse views and backgrounds.  We are Democrats after all.

GLENN:  Wow, indeed, it has been a diverse party, willing to persecute citizens of Native American, African-American, Asian-American, and German American descent.  Oh, yes, and they love to hear from people of all kinds of views and background, just as long as you're in lockstep with the prevailing elites of the party.  After all, they're Democrats.

After the war, Woodrow Wilson became obsessed with entangling the United States in international laws and regulations by joining his brainchild The League of Nations.  However, the people of the United States didn't want anything to do with it.  They instead wanted to maintain American constitutional sovereignty, and they rejected the league.

The problem is, Woodrow Wilson wasn't a guy who was going to take no for an answer.  He ignored the Senate.  He ignored the veto.  He began a rigorous nationwide campaign to try to sell to the American people, The League of Nations.  He had a whirlwind tour that turned out to be too strenuous for him, and on October 2nd, 1919, Wilson suffered a massive stroke, which left him virtually incapacitated for the rest of his presidency.

I don't like to wish ill on anybody, but thank goodness that stroke happened.  But to make a bad presidency worse, his unelected wife essentially secretly ran the executive office from then on.  She was actually our first female president, and she kept the severity of his illness under wraps until the election of President Harding in 1920.

Next time, the Democratic Party of today.

VOICE:  Tomorrow, on the Glenn Beck Program, in chapter four of the history of the Democratic Party, you'll learn how the party continues to cover up its racist past.  Listen live or online at GlennBeck.com/serials.

Glenn Beck: Adam Schiff is a LIAR — and we have the proof

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On the radio program Wednesday, Glenn Beck didn't hold back when discussing the latest in a long list of lies issued by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) during the Democrats' ongoing endeavor to remove President Donald Trump from office.

"I'm going to just come out and say, Adam Schiff is a liar. And he intentionally lied. And we have the proof. The media being his little lapdog, but I'll explain what's really going on, and call the man a liar to his face," Glenn asserted. "No, I'm not suggesting he's a liar. No, I'm telling you, he's a liar. ... Adam Schiff is a lying dirtbag."

A recent report in Politico claimed Schiff "mischaracterized" the content of a document sent to House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) as evidence against President Trump in the Senate impeachment trial. Read more on this here.

"Let me translate [for Politico]," Glenn said. "House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff lied about a text message exchange between two players in the Ukrainian saga. And we know it, because of the documents that were obtained by Politico."

A few of the other lies on Schiff's list include his repeated false claims that there was "significant evidence of collusion" between the Trump campaign and Russia leading up to the 2016 presidential election, his phony version of President Trump's phone call with the president of Ukraine, and his retracted claim that neither he nor his committee ever had contact with the Trump-Ukraine whistleblower. And the list just keeps getting longer.

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On the radio program Tuesday, Glenn Beck and Stu Burguiere discussed recent reports that former Vice President Joe Biden's son, Hunter, wasn't the only family member to capitalize on his connections to land an unbelievably lucrative job even though he lacked qualifications or experience.

According to Peter Schweizer's new book, "Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America's Progressive Elite," Joe Biden's younger brother, Frank, enjoyed the benefit of $54 million in taxpayer loans during the Obama administration to try his hand at an international development venture.

A lawyer by training, Frank Biden teamed up with a developer named Craig Williamson to build a sprawling luxury resort in Costa Rica, which claimed to be on a mission to preserve the country's forests but actually resulted in the decimation of thousands of acres of wilderness.

The then-vice president's brother also reportedly earned hundreds of thousands of dollars as the front man of a for-profit charter school company called Mavericks in Education.

The charter schools, which focused on helping at-risk teens, eventually failed after allegations of mismanagement and a series of lawsuits derailed the dubious business venture.

Watch the video below to get Glenn's take on these latest revelations in the Biden family corruption saga:

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Ryan: Bernie at the disco

Photo by Sean Ryan

Saturday at El Malecón, we waited for the Democratic socialist. He had the wild white hair like a monk and the thick glasses and the booming voice full of hacks and no niceties.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The venue had been redecorated since we visited a few nights before when we chatted with Castro. It didn't even feel like the same place. No bouncy castle this time.

Photo by Sean Ryan

A black curtain blocked the stage, giving the room a much-needed depth.

Behind the podium, two rows of mostly young people, all holding Bernie signs, all so diverse and picturesque and strategic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Lots of empty seats. Poor showing of Bernie fans for a Saturday afternoon. At one point, someone from Bernie's staff offered us seats in the audience, as if eager to fill up those seats however possible.

There were about 75 people in the dancehall, a place built for reunions and weddings and all those other festivities. But for a few hours on Saturday, August 10, 2019, it turned serious and wild for "Unidos Con Bernie."

Photo by Sean Ryan

People had been murmuring about Sanders' speech from the night before at Wing Ding. By all appearances, he had developed a raving lust to overthrow Trump. He had even promised, with his wife just out of view, that, were he elected, he'd end white nationalism in America. For good.

El Malecón lacked its previous air of celebration. It had undertaken a brooding yet defiant spirit. Media were sparse. Four cameras faced the podium. Three photographers, one of whom had been at nearly all the same events as us. A few of the staffers frowned at an empty row of chairs, because there weren't that many chairs to begin with.

At the entrance, Bernie staff handed out headsets that translated English to Spanish or Spanish to English, depending on who the speaker was. The translators stood behind the bar, 20 feet from the podium, and spoke into a lip-ribbon microphone.

Bernie's staff was probably the coolest, by far. As in, they looked cool and acted stylishly. Jeans. Sandals. Careworn blazers. Tattoos. One lad had a black Levi's shirt with lush crimson roses even though he wasn't a cowboy or a ranch-hand. Mustaches. Quirky hats. A plain green sundress. Some of them wore glasses, big clunking frames.

Photo by Sean Ryan

The outfits were distinctly Bernie. As Bernie as the tie-dyed "BERNIE" shirts for sale outside the club. Or later, at the Hilton, like a Grateful Dead cassette stand.

Immigration was the theme, and everyone in the audience bore some proof of a journey. Because America offers life, freedom, and hope.

Sanders' own father emigrated from Poland to America at 17, a high school dropout who could barely speak English. As a Jew, he'd faced religious persecution.

Within one generation, Bernie Sanders' father contributed to the highest stratum of American society. In one generation, near hopelessness had transformed into Democracy, his son a congressman with a serious chance at the presidency.

Photo by Sean Ryan

That's the beauty of America. Come here broken and empty and gutted and voiceless. And, within your lifetime, you can mend yourself then become a pillar of society. Then, your son can become the President of the United States of America!

Four people gave speeches before Sanders. They took their time, excited and nervous. They putzed. Because how often do you get to introduce a presidential frontrunner?

All the native English speakers jammed their earpieces when the woman with the kind and dark energy took the stage.

Photo by Sean Ryan

She mumbled in Spanish and did not look up and said that, when her parents died, she couldn't go home for the funeral. She fought back tears. She swallowed hard to shock herself calm. And the room engulfed each silence between every word.

It felt more like a therapy session than a political rally. A grueling therapy session at that. Was that what drew people to Bernie Sanders, that deep anguish? That brisk hope? Or, rather, the cessation of it, through Sanders? And, of course, the resultant freedom? Was it what gave Sanders a saintlike ability to lead people into the realm of the confessional? Did he have enough strength to lead a revolution?

Photo by Sean Ryan

While other frontrunners hocked out money for appearances, like the studio lights, Sanders spent money on translators and ear-pieces. The impression I got was that he would gladly speak anywhere. To anyone. He had the transitory energy you can capture in the writings of Gandhi.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'm not saying he's right or wrong — I will never make that claim, about any of the candidates, because that's not the point of this, not the point of journalism, amen — what I'm saying is he has the brutal energy of someone who can take the subway after a soiree or rant about life by a tractor or chuck it up with Sarah Silverman, surrounded wherever he goes.

Without the slightest fanfare, Sanders emerged from behind the black curtain. The woman at the podium gasped a little. The room suctioned forward when he entered. In part because he was so nonchalant. And, again. That magnetism to a room when a famous or powerful or charming person enters. Not many people have it. Not many can keep it. Even fewer know how to brace it, to cull it on demand. But several of the candidates did. One or two even had something greater.

Photo by Sean Ryan

I'll only say that Bernie had it with a bohemian fervor, like he was a monk stranded in a big city that he slowly brings to God.

"We have a President who, for the first time in my lifetime, who is a President who is a racist," he shouted. "Who is a xenophobe and anti-immigrant. Who is a sexist. Who is a religious bigot. And who, is a homophobe. And, what is very disappointing is that, when we have a President, we do not necessarily expect to agree with him, or her, on every issue. But we do believe that one of the obligations is to bring people to-geth-ah. As Americans."

Photo by Sean Ryan

After listening silently for several minutes, the audience clapped. Their sweet response felt cultish. But, then again, what doesn't feel cultish these days? So this was cultish like memes are cultish, in a striving-to-understand kind of way.

"The essence of our campaign is in fact to bring people together," he said. "Whether they're black, or white, or latino, or Native American, or Asian-American. We understand that we are Americans."

At times, this meant sharing a common humanity. Others, it had a slightly more disruptive feel. Which worked. Sometimes all we want is revolution. To be wild without recourse. To overthrow. To pass through the constraints of each day. To survive. The kind of rowdy stuff that makes for good poetry but destroys credit lines. Sanders radiated with this intensity, like a reclusive philosopher returning to society, from his cave to homes and beds and fences and maybe electricity.

Photo by Sean Ryan

But, as he says, his revolution would involve healthcare and wages and tuition, not beheadings and purges and starvation.

Seeing the Presidential candidates improvise was amazing. They did it constantly. They would turn any of their beliefs into a universal statement. And Sanders did this without trying. So he avoided doing the unbearably arrogant thing of pretending to speak like a native Guatemalan, and he looked at the group of people, and he mumbled in his cloudy accent:

"My Spanish — is not so good."

Photo by Sean Ryan

This is the same and the opposite of President Trump's Everyman way of speaking English like an American. Of speaking American.

Often, you know what Sanders will say next. You can feel it. And, anytime this happened, it brought comfort to the room.

Like, it surprised no one when he said that he would reinstate DACA on his first day in office. It still drew applause.

But other times, he expressed wild ideas with poetic clarity. And his conclusions arrived at unusual junctures. Not just in comparison to Republicans. To all of them. Bernie was the Tupac of the 2020 election. And, to him, President Trump was Suge Knight, the evil force behind it all.

"Donald Trump is an idiot," he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Everybody loved that. Everybody clapped and whooped and some even whistled like they were outside and not in a linoleum-floor dancehall.

"Go get 'em, Bernie," someone in the back shouted.

This was the only Sanders appearance with no protestors.

"Let me say this about the border," he shouted. And everybody listened to every thunking syllable. He probably could have spoken without a mic. Booming voice. Loud and clear. Huddling into that heavy Vermont slug accent.

They'll say many many things about Bernie. One being, you never had to lean forward to hear him. In person, even more so. He's less frail. More dynamic.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Despite the shoddiness of the venue, there was a sign language interpreter. Most of the rallies had a designated interpreter.

"If you work 40 hours a week you shouldn't be living in poverty," he shouted, provoking chants and applause from the audience, as if he were talking about them. Maybe he was.

An anecdote about the people at an emergency food shelf blended into the livable wage of $15 an hour. He shifted into his spiel about tuition-free college and pointed at the audience, "You're not doing well," then at the kids behind him, "they are." He craned his head sideways and back. "Do your homework," he told said.

Laughter.

Half of the kids looked like they hadn't eaten in days. Maybe it was their unusual situation, a few feet from Bernie Sanders at a stucco community center.

Before the room could settle, Sanders wove through a plan for how to cancel debt.

Did he have a solution?

Tax Wall Street, he shouted.

Photo by Sean Ryan

And he made it sound easy. "Uno dos trey," he said. "That's my Spanish for today."

A serious man, he shoved through his speech like a tank hurtling into dense jungle. He avoided many of the typical politician gimmicks. Proof that he did not practice every expression in front of a mirror. That he did not hide his accent. That he did not preen his hair. That he did not smile for a precise amount of time, depending on the audience. That he did not pretend to laugh.

Photo by Sean Ryan

He laughed when humor overtook him. But it was genuine. With none of the throaty recoil you hear in forced laughter.

"I want everyone to take a deep breath," he said. And a palpable lightness spread through the room, because a deep breath can solve a lot of problems.

Photo by Sean Ryan

Then he roused some more. "Healthcare is a human right," he shouted. "A human privilege," he shouted. He told them that he lives 50 miles from the Canadian border in Burlington, Vermont, and healthcare works better up north.

Each candidate had a bad word, and Sanders' was "corporate."

Photo by Sean Ryan

At every speech, he mentioned "corporate media" with the same distrust and unpleasantness that conservatives derive from the term "mainstream media." Another would be "fake news," as popularized by Sanders' sworn enemy. Either way it's the same media. Just different motivations that irk different people.

But the discrepancies varied. Meaning two opposing political movements disliked the same thing, but for opposite reasons.
It sounded odd, Sanders' accusation that the media were against him. The media love Bernie. I can confirm this both anecdotally and judiciously. Yes, okay, in 2016, the media appeared to have sided with Hillary Clinton. As a result, Sanders was publicly humiliated. Because Clinton took a mafioso approach to dealing with opponents, and Sanders was her only roadblock.

Imagine if a major political organization devoted part of each day to agitating your downfall. And then you fail. And who's fault is it?

Sanders wanted to know: those negative ads targeting him, who paid for them?

Photo by Sean Ryan

Corporations, of course. Corporations that hated radicals like him. And really was he so radical? He listed off the possibilities: Big pharma, insurance companies, oil companies.

Because he had become a revolutionary, to them. To many.

He said it with certainty, although he often didn't have to say it at all. This spirit of rebellion had become his brand. He would lead the wild Americans into a utopia.

But just as quickly, he would attack. Trump, as always, was the target.

He called Trump the worst president in American history.

"The fates are Yuge," he shouted.

The speech ended as informally as it had begun. And Sanders' trance over the audience evaporated, replaced by that suction energy. Everyone rushed closer and closer to the man as Neil Young's "Keep on Rockin in the Free World" blared. Sanders leaned into the podium and said, "If anyone wants to form a line, we can do some selfies."

Photo by Sean Ryan

It was like meeting Jesus for some of the people.

There he was, at El Malecón. No stage lights, no makeup, no stylist behind the curtain. Just him and his ideas and his erratic hand commotion.

Then a man holding a baby leaned in for a photo. He and Sanders chatted. And, I kid you not, the whole time the baby is staring at Bernie Sanders like he's the image of God, looking right up at him, with this glow, this understanding.

Bernie, if you're reading this, I'd like to suggest that — if this election doesn't work for you — you could be the next Pope.

New installments come Mondays and Thursdays. Check out my Twitter. Email me at kryan@blazemedia.com

On the "Glenn Beck Radio Program" Monday, Harvard Law professor and lawyer on President Donald Trump's impeachment defense team Alan Dershowitz explains the history of impeachment and its process, why the framers did not include abuse of power as criteria for a Constitutional impeachment, why the Democrats are framing their case the way they are, and what to look for in the upcoming Senate trial.

Dershowitz argued that "abuse of power" -- one of two articles of impeachment against Trump approved by House Democrats last month -- is not an impeachable act.

"There are two articles of impeachment. The second is 'obstruction of Congress.' That's just a false accusation," said Dershowitz. "But they also charge him, in the Ukraine matter, with abuse of power. But abuse of power was discussed by the framers (of the U.S. Constitution) ... the framers refused to include abuse of power because it was too broad, too open-ended.

"In the words of James Madison, the father of our Constitution, it would lead presidents to serve at the will of Congress. And that's exactly what the framers didn't want, which is why they were very specific and said a president can be impeached only for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," he added.

"What's alleged against President Trump is not criminal," added Dershowitz. "If they had criminal issues to allege, you can be sure they would have done it. If they could establish bribery or treason, they would have done it already. But they didn't do it. They instead used this concept of abuse of power, which is so broad and general ... any president could be charged with it."

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