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The GOP Is Poised to Pass Tax Reform – but Will It Help?

December 01, 2017
Staff

WRITER

Glenn was blunt about his feelings on the Senate Republicans’ plan for tax reform on today’s show: “This is an abomination, but I’ll take it.” If Republicans can’t give us something better, we’ll take what we can get, right?

Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.) said at noon today that he would vote in favor of the tax reform plan, giving Republicans 50 votes to pass the legislation along with a tie-breaker vote from Vice President Mike Pence.

Want to learn more about the bill? Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) was on the show Thursday to talk about it, and you can listen here.

This article provided courtesy of TheBlaze.

GLENN: Bill O'Reilly from BillO'Reilly.com.

Let's switch to another worthless topic on -- on Congress. The tax bill. They now have 49 out of the 52 senators. Are they going to be able to pass this today?

BILL: Yes, they will. They'll make some other tweak to get one or two more on board. And, you know, it shouldn't be this hard. But, you know, again, you're dealing with a body that is not looking out for the folks, in my opinion. It's all about them.

And, you know, once you get into that zone, it's hard to get anything done --

GLENN: How can they be so myopic, where they are -- where they are getting these giant -- these giant breaks. And I'm for the business tax going down. I'm absolutely for it.

BILL: Yeah. Uh-huh.

GLENN: But then to not give the break to the average person is nuts! Is nuts!

BILL: Well, they are though in a sense that if you -- if you really analyze the bill, it does help the working class in America. I mean, it's not fantastic --

GLENN: It does help.

No.

BILL: But it's something. And then the thinking is -- the wisdom is that when you stimulate the economy to this extent and you mentioned it at the top of the hour, that there will be more jobs available for everybody. And then the market will drive salaries up, so that you will make money from this bill, not only by getting a tax cut, a little bit of one, but your opportunities will expand.

So I think that's the overall arch on it.

STU: The bottom line here too and no one is talking about this, the bottom 80 percent of families, currently pay 33 percent of all federal taxes and will get 37 percent of the tax cuts. They pay 33, would get 37 percent of the tax cut. The top one percent currently pays 37 percent of all the taxes, but would only get 18 percent of the tax cuts.

So they keep acting as if they're only giving money to the rich here. That's not true at all.

GLENN: Yeah, you're giving more --

BILL: Well, the big thing is the economy. That's the big thing. If you have a president who stimulates the economy to the extent that everybody wants to work and salaries go up, that's an effective administration, domestically. So that's what this is all about. Democrats, of course, don't want Trump to succeed. So they don't care how good the tax cut is or how good the tax bill is, they'll try to sabotage it.

GLENN: So the economy and the numbers, what is Trump thinking by just tweeting all this nonsense? This should have been a great week.

BILL: He doesn't think. He just doesn't think. I mean, that's the problem. I'm not a psychologist, and I'm not getting into that. But you're absolutely right. I have it said from the very beginning, it's about accomplishments, not feuds. You know, once in a while you can use a feud for a political advantage, and people will enjoy that. But not every day. You got two big accomplishments. The economy is on the move and you've hurt ISIS badly: That's what you should be tweeting about.

GLENN: Yeah. Tell me what you thought about the Pocahontas.

BILL: It's not a racial slur. It was inappropriate. The guys -- the Navajos in the White House didn't even know what he was talking. You see their faces, going, what did Pocahontas do that we were not aware of?

GLENN: I know.

BILL: Let's go back to Jamestown, what did she do? But, again, it's a stream of consciousness with our president. I mean, whatever pops into his mind, he says. Because that's what rich guys do, Beck. And, you know that, you're a rich guy. Whatever pops into your mind you say, that's what happens.

GLENN: Right. I was saying that when I was broke. And that may lead to me being broke again.

BILL: Yeah. But you weren't sober then. That was a whole different track.

GLENN: Yes. That's exactly right.

When we come back, we'll talk about Michael Flynn who has just been charged by the FBI with lying to the FBI. What does this mean to the Trump administration? Coming up.

(OUT AT 9:31AM)

GLENN: We're with Bill O'Reilly for BillO'Reilly.com. We got news this morning that the former national security adviser for Donald Trump, Michael Flynn, has pleaded guilty today to willfully and knowingly making false, fictitious, and fraudulent statements to the FBI about conversations with Russia's ambassador.

The White House responded and said, this was expected. Trump fired him for lying to Vice President Mike Pence. Of course, he lied to the FBI as well.

Bill, what does this mean?

BILL: I don't think it means very much. I mean, it means that CNN and MSNBC will have a full roster of hysteria. But, you know, Flynn was a guy who had a very nebulous -- word of the day nebulous, association with Turkey and Russia. Made money representing various things that they were doing.

And apparently, the inside story here, Beck, though, and that's why you have me on every week is apparently they made a deal with Flynn to plead guilty to lying to the FBI if they leave his son alone.

The son did work with the father. The younger Flynn was in kind of jeopardy. But I think the deal is, let the boy go. And I'll plead guilty. I think that's what happened.

GLENN: So does this move the case into the White House at all?

BILL: No. Because the White House did bail from Flynn fairly early. Because he did, as you pointed out, misled Pence. So unless Flynn has got some information, and nobody could possibly know that, that connects the president with Russia directly, it's probably going to die out fast.

STU: Bill, switching gears here a little bit, I did come across a little piece of an interview with you that I did find to be interesting this week. As you may have seen and remembered the Matt Lauer interview with you has been making the rounds quite a bit.

BILL: Yeah.

GLENN: I'm wondering, have you offered an interview for him on your show?

BILL: Nah. You know, everybody is caught up in the mass hysteria of all of these accusations. But I come back to the very simple thing, and what Americans should want is justice. They should want justice.

And nobody should be abused in the workplace. So when you keep your eye on that. And I think nobody would disagree with that. You can -- you can start to move through some of these things in a responsible way, unlike the press, which every headline is a conviction now.

So Lauer, who I've known forever, but I'm not a friend of his, what he did in my interview in September, with Killing England -- and people don't know that. But I was promoting the book. I was promoting Killing England. And I knew that NBC was telling Lauer, hey, you got to be tough on O'Reilly. You got to be ask him all -- I don't mind.

GLENN: Yeah. They did seven minutes on your firing and two on the book.

BILL: Yeah. And I didn't mind. All I wanted was my say. I went in there. And, you know, they did seven on that and two on the book. Fine, the book becomes number one. And I did what I had to do to promote the book. But as far as Lauer was concerned, I absolutely knew what he was going to do, what he was going to say. And if you looked at the interview, I answered the questions honestly. Now, he doesn't look good because all the while he was asking all those questions, he had to know that all this he has now admitted was in the background.

So how do you do that? I don't know. I don't know how do that. But that's him.

GLENN: So, Bill, you just said, you know, every accusation is a conviction now.

BILL: Yeah.

GLENN: Except when it comes -- except when it comes to Congress. That's not happening.

BILL: It is though. It is though.

Conyers is done, all right? He can -- he can -- his guy can say, I got to stay. He's finished, all right? And I expect he'll be out next week. And they'll say, his health is bad. I mean, that's what this is. And Franken is done.

STU: You think Franken is done?

GLENN: You think Franken is out?

BILL: He's out. Because the Senate Ethics Committee can't give him a pass. They can't. And they'll come back, Al, you know -- and I actually recused myself from Franken because I despised him so much. And I told my audience on BillO'Reilly.com, look, I'm not going to comment on what Franken allegedly did or did not do because I hate him. "Hate" is a bad word.

I despise him. He's a liar. All right?

GLENN: You hate the things he does.

BILL: I've known him forever, and he's the lowest of the low. You don't get lower than Al Franken. So I can't analyze what this situation is. But he has no future. He's done. And the ethics committee will come back, and there will be other people that will come in and say whatever they say.

GLENN: And so what about Roy Moore?

BILL: Now, that's a more interesting topic, Moore. Because I think Moore is going to win.

STU: I think so he is.

GLENN: I think he is too.

BILL: In December 12.

Now, is he going to win because he's the greatest guy?

No. He's going to win because the people in Alabama hate the press more than what he allegedly did. So that's what's happening.

GLENN: No, I don't think -- I think they're just willing to look away and say, I don't know what the story is because I hate the press so much.

BILL: I think it's more emotional than that. I think it's -- there is a -- if you look at the polling on it, okay? The majority of Alabama is not people who are going to vote for Moore. And, by the way, I would not vote for Moore. I would not cast a ballot for the man. But the majority of people who are going to vote in the election, all right? They say that the press is despicable and we don't trust them.

So that's the -- you know, people rationalize their actions. That's the rationalization. We don't know what he did.

You know, but the press is dishonest. So we're going to give him the benefit of the doubt. So then he'll get in there. And I think the Senate will bushwhack him. And then the governor of Alabama eventually will have to appoint somebody to take his place. I think that's how it's going to come down.

GLENN: You think the Senate is going to bushwhack him?

BILL: I think so. Because the Republican Party can't be tied to him. You see, they can't be tied to Roy Moore, and that's what the Democrats will do next year in --

GLENN: But we're already tied -- we're already tied to -- to Donald Trump. And if you believe the press reports, sources in the White House say that he's now saying that that -- excuse me. That Access Hollywood tape was fraudulent.

BILL: Okay. Then we get back to stream of consciousness. I don't take any of that seriously. I don't take any of that seriously.

But I will tell you this, I'm going to make a prediction here on the Glenn Beck Program. I wish I had the English accent to do it, but I don't.

After this tax reform thing gets passed, the press is going to then pivot into attacking Trump on the women accusations. That's going to be the next thing. Because they can't go into 2018 with a roaring economy, all right? And a pretty good accomplishment on Trump's resume. They've got to take him down personally. So you're going to see hysteria develop, coming up. And that's what's going to happen.

GLENN: So how do we -- because I think we're sending. And I don't know what message we're setting. And I've struggled with this. I mean, Bill, you and I have talked about this off the air with your situation. And I've pressed you up against the wall, saying, I don't want to defend a bad guy. Tell me the decision. And I've had to make tough choices, in my own life, you know, here. But I think we're all doing this throughout.

And I don't know what message we're sending. But I do believe the stories about Donald Trump. And I do believe he has that kind of attitude.

So what -- what is this -- what -- by saying, you know what, the president is off-limits. Or, you know, Al Franken is off-limits or whatever, what does this mean to us in 20 years? Because I think we're here because we said character didn't matter in the '90s.

BILL: Well, look, I know where you're coming from on this, but I think you've got to be careful. I know of a tape, an audiotape that I hope becomes public very soon, because there are at least three crimes on the tape that an anti-Trump person is offering money to someone to allege stuff against Donald Trump. That tape exists. All right?

And you got to be careful about this kind of stuff. Because there is very -- there are black ops, what they call in the CIA, going on, to ruin people that George Soros, Media Matters, Color of Change don't like. You know that. You know it. Don't discount that. Don't discount it.

GLENN: Well, see, that's why --

BILL: I don't know what Donald Trump did or did not do. I do know the American people elected him. But I know what's coming. I do know what's coming.

GLENN: So that's kind of where I'm at. Is, you know, we will say, you know, I'll give the person in politics the benefit of the doubt because I don't know -- because politics is so slimy, that I don't know what the truth is here.

BILL: That's right. And you can't know the truth. So, therefore, you can't form judgments. You've got to be -- if you're fair-minded, very circumspect on it, and very cautious.

STU: What's the appropriate way to look at these, Bill? Because I have struggled with this. These things come out, and we're forced to try to make without a court case, without a real accusation, without a charge being filed. We have to try to sit here and analyze through the media and random reports.

BILL: Yeah, but you can't because the media will never tell you the truth. And they're going to hang you in the headline, whoever you are. If you think this is going to stop, it's not. Next week, there will be five other people. Then once you get into the campaign season in 2018, almost everybody who runs is going to be slime in some way with this kind of stuff. It's just too easy to do. It's so easy to do.

GLENN: Look, I saw --

BILL: Americans have got to be aware that this thing is pretty much out of control right now.

GLENN: I saw the thing with Garrison Keillor. And if what Garrison Keillor says is true -- and, look, I mean, I think Garrison Keillor is talented.

STU: Ugh. Insufferable.

GLENN: I know. I'm a rare bird on this. I think he's talented. But he stands for almost everything that I stand against.

However, that being said, if what he says is true, it's insane to fire him. Was insanity. Because it's --

BILL: Absolutely. So, I mean, look, I'm not going to get into my situation, but I've told you and I've told everybody in this country, I've mistreated no one. Okay? And that -- there's no deviation from that.

And so, you know, you go on, but am I angry? I'm angry through the roof about this whole injustice in the media.

GLENN: So the question --

BILL: The media drives this stuff. But if there's evidence that you see, like a picture -- Al Franken -- or a police report -- Weinstein -- sure, that evidence has to be taken into account.

But if there isn't, it's just like Garrison Keillor saying I touched somebody on the back and now I lost my job, you know, you got to take that seriously, even if you don't like the guy.

STU: So you said before, Bill, you wouldn't vote for Moore. What was your decision-making process?

BILL: Right. I just don't think the guy is a problem solver. He's a pure ideologue, all right? Who has put forward a platform that I just don't think represents the country. And I don't know what he did or didn't do. I just don't know.

GLENN: So you're not making it on the charges?

BILL: No. But he sputtered around. He sputtered around it. "Sputtered" is a good word.

But when I see Gloria Allred involved in trying to get him, then I go, yeah, okay. Look at this.

STU: Yeah, you roll your eyes.

GLENN: Okay. Bill O'Reilly, thank you very much.

BILL: Can I say one more thing before you guys go to the British woman?

GLENN: Oh, jeez. Yeah, go ahead.

BILL: BillO'Reilly.com has an unbelievable Christmas promotion, and Glenn Beck needs this. If you buy three gift certificates for premium membership, Beck, you get four free books. That's seven gifts. So you can give your gifts to your staff, take care of everybody on BillO'Reilly.com.

GLENN: But there's 12 days of Christmas. There's 12 days of Christmas. It still leaves me wanting the pipers and the maids a milking.

BILL: Well, then do six, six gift certificates at BillO'Reilly.com, and then you'll get eight books. That's 14. Then you've outdone your 12 days of Christmas.

GLENN: I don't know six people that like Bill O'Reilly.

1 in 20 Canadians die by MAID—Is this 'compassion'?

Vaughn Ridley / Stringer | Getty Images

Medical assistance in dying isn’t health care. It’s the moment a Western democracy decided some lives aren’t worth saving, and it’s a warning sign we can’t ignore.

Canada loves to lecture America about compassion. Every time a shooting makes the headlines, Canadian commentators cannot wait to discuss how the United States has a “culture of death” because we refuse to regulate guns the way enlightened nations supposedly do.

But north of our border, a very different crisis is unfolding — one that is harder to moralize because it exposes a deeper cultural failure.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order.

The Canadian government is not only permitting death, but it’s also administering, expanding, and redefining it as “medical care.” Medical assistance in dying is no longer a rare, tragic exception. It has become one of the country’s leading causes of death, offered to people whose problems are treatable, whose conditions are survivable, and whose value should never have been in question.

In Canada, MAID is now responsible for nearly 5% of all deaths — 1 out of every 20 citizens. And this is happening in a country that claims the moral high ground over American gun violence. Canada now records more deaths per capita from doctors administering lethal drugs than America records from firearms. Their number is 37.9 deaths per 100,000 people. Ours is 13.7. Yet we are the country supposedly drowning in a “culture of death.”

No lecture from abroad can paper over this fact: Canada has built a system where eliminating suffering increasingly means eliminating the sufferer.

Choosing death over care

One example of what Canada now calls “compassion” is the case of Jolene Bond, a woman suffering from a painful but treatable thyroid condition that causes dangerously high calcium levels, bone deterioration, soft-tissue damage, nausea, and unrelenting pain. Her condition is severe, but it is not terminal. Surgery could help her. And in a functioning medical system, she would have it.

But Jolene lives under socialized medicine. The specialists she needs are either unavailable, overrun with patients, or blocked behind bureaucratic requirements she cannot meet. She cannot get a referral. She cannot get an appointment. She cannot reach the doctor in another province who is qualified to perform the operation. Every pathway to treatment is jammed by paperwork, shortages, and waitlists that stretch into the horizon and beyond.

Yet the Canadian government had something else ready for her — something immediate.

They offered her MAID.

Not help, not relief, not a doctor willing to drive across a provincial line and simply examine her. Instead, Canada offered Jolene a state-approved death. A lethal injection is easier to obtain than a medical referral. Killing her would be easier than treating her. And the system calls that compassion.

Bureaucracy replaces medicine

Jolene’s story is not an outlier. It is the logical outcome of a system that cannot keep its promises. When the machinery of socialized medicine breaks down, the state simply replaces care with a final, irreversible “solution.” A bureaucratic checkbox becomes the last decision of a person’s life.

Canada insists its process is rigorous, humane, and safeguarded. Yet the bureaucracy now reviewing Jolene’s case is not asking how she can receive treatment; it is asking whether she has enough signatures to qualify for a lethal injection. And the debate among Canadian officials is not how to preserve life, but whether she has met the paperwork threshold to end it.

This is the dark inversion that always emerges when the state claims the power to decide when life is no longer worth living. Bureaucracy replaces conscience. Eligibility criteria replace compassion. A panel of physicians replaces the family gathered at a bedside. And eventually, the “right” to die becomes an expectation — especially for those who are poor, elderly, or alone.

Joe Raedle / Staff | Getty Images

The logical end of a broken system

We ignore this lesson at our own peril. Canada’s health care system is collapsing under demographic pressure, uncontrolled migration, and the unavoidable math of government-run medicine.

When the system breaks, someone must bear the cost. MAID has become the release valve.

The ideology behind this system is already drifting south. In American medical journals and bioethics conferences, you will hear this same rhetoric. The argument is always dressed in compassion. But underneath, it reduces the value of human life to a calculation: Are you useful? Are you affordable? Are you too much of a burden?

The West was built on a conviction that every human life has inherent value. That truth gave us hospitals before it gave us universities. It gave us charity before it gave us science. It is written into the Declaration of Independence.

Canada’s MAID program reveals what happens when a country lets that foundation erode. Life becomes negotiable, and suffering becomes a justification for elimination.

A society that no longer recognizes the value of life will not long defend freedom, dignity, or moral order. If compassion becomes indistinguishable from convenience, and if medicine becomes indistinguishable from euthanasia, the West will have abandoned the very principles that built it. That is the lesson from our northern neighbor — a warning, not a blueprint.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

A Sharia enclave is quietly taking root in America. It's time to wake up.

NOVA SAFO / Staff | Getty Images

Sharia-based projects like the Meadow in Texas show how political Islam grows quietly, counting on Americans to stay silent while an incompatible legal system takes root.

Apolitical system completely incompatible with the Constitution is gaining ground in the United States, and we are pretending it is not happening.

Sharia — the legal and political framework of Islam — is being woven into developments, institutions, and neighborhoods, including a massive project in Texas. And the consequences will be enormous if we continue to look the other way.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

Before we can have an honest debate, we’d better understand what Sharia represents. Sharia is not simply a set of religious rules about prayer or diet. It is a comprehensive legal and political structure that governs marriage, finance, criminal penalties, and civic life. It is a parallel system that claims supremacy wherever it takes hold.

This is where the distinction matters. Many Muslims in America want nothing to do with Sharia governance. They came here precisely because they lived under it. But political Islam — the movement that seeks to implement Sharia as law — is not the same as personal religious belief.

It is a political ideology with global ambitions, much like communism. Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently warned that Islamist movements do not seek peaceful coexistence with the West. They seek dominance. History backs him up.

How Sharia arrives

Political Islam does not begin with dramatic declarations. It starts quietly, through enclaves that operate by their own rules. That is why the development once called EPIC City — now rebranded as the Meadow — is so concerning. Early plans framed it as a Muslim-only community built around a mega-mosque and governed by Sharia-compliant financing. After state investigations were conducted, the branding changed, but the underlying intent remained the same.

Developers have openly described practices designed to keep non-Muslims out, using fees and ownership structures to create de facto religious exclusivity. This is not assimilation. It is the construction of a parallel society within a constitutional republic.

The warning from those who have lived under it

Years ago, local imams in Texas told me, without hesitation, that certain Sharia punishments “just work.” They spoke about cutting off hands for theft, stoning adulterers, and maintaining separate standards of testimony for men and women. They insisted it was logical and effective while insisting they would never attempt to implement it in Texas.

But when pressed, they could not explain why a system they consider divinely mandated would suddenly stop applying once someone crossed a border.

This is the contradiction at the heart of political Islam: It claims universal authority while insisting its harshest rules will never be enforced here. That promise does not stand up to scrutiny. It never has.

AASHISH KIPHAYET / Contributor | Getty Images

America is vulnerable

Europe is already showing us where this road leads. No-go zones, parallel courts, political intimidation, and clerics preaching supremacy have taken root across major cities.

America’s strength has always come from its melting pot, but assimilation requires boundaries. It requires insisting that the Constitution, not religious law, is the supreme authority on this soil.

Yet we are becoming complacent, even fearful, about saying so. We mistake silence for tolerance. We mistake avoidance for fairness. Meanwhile, political Islam views this hesitation as weakness.

Religious freedom is one of America’s greatest gifts. Muslims may worship freely here, as they should. But political Islam must not be permitted to plant a flag on American soil. The Constitution cannot coexist with a system that denies equal rights, restricts speech, subordinates women, and places clerical authority above civil law.

Wake up before it is too late

Projects like the Meadow are not isolated. They are test runs, footholds, proofs of concept. Political Islam operates with patience. It advances through demographic growth, legal ambiguity, and cultural hesitation — and it counts on Americans being too polite, too distracted, or too afraid to confront it.

We cannot afford that luxury. If we fail to defend the principles that make this country free, we will one day find ourselves asking how a parallel system gained power right in front of us. The answer will be simple: We looked away.

The time to draw boundaries and to speak honestly is now. The time to defend the Constitution as the supreme law of the land is now. Act while there is still time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The Crisis of Meaning: Searching for truth and purpose

Mario Tama / Staff | Getty Images

Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The Bubba Effect erupts as America’s power brokers go rogue

Gary Hershorn / Contributor | Getty Images

When institutions betray the public’s trust, the country splits, and the spiral is hard to stop.

Something drastic is happening in American life. Headlines that should leave us stunned barely register anymore. Stories that once would have united the country instead dissolve into silence or shrugs.

It is not apathy exactly. It is something deeper — a growing belief that the people in charge either cannot or will not fix what is broken.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf.

I call this response the Bubba effect. It describes what happens when institutions lose so much public trust that “Bubba,” the average American minding his own business, finally throws his hands up and says, “Fine. I will handle it myself.” Not because he wants to, but because the system that was supposed to protect him now feels indifferent, corrupt, or openly hostile.

The Bubba effect is not a political movement. It is a survival instinct.

What triggers the Bubba effect

We are watching the triggers unfold in real time. When members of Congress publicly encourage active duty troops to disregard orders from the commander in chief, that is not a political squabble. When a federal judge quietly rewrites the rules so one branch of government can secretly surveil another, that is not normal. That is how republics fall. Yet these stories glided across the news cycle without urgency, without consequence, without explanation.

When the American people see the leadership class shrug, they conclude — correctly — that no one is steering the ship.

This is how the Bubba effect spreads. It is not just individuals resisting authority. It is sheriffs refusing to enforce new policies, school boards ignoring state mandates, entire communities saying, “We do not believe you anymore.” It becomes institutional, cultural, national.

A country cracking from the inside

This effect can be seen in Dearborn, Michigan. In the rise of fringe voices like Nick Fuentes. In the Epstein scandal, where powerful people could not seem to locate a single accountable adult. These stories are different in content but identical in message: The system protects itself, not you.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf. That does not mean they suddenly agree with everything that person says. It means they feel abandoned by the institutions that were supposed to be trustworthy.

The Bubba effect is what fills that vacuum.

The dangers of a faithless system

A republic cannot survive without credibility. Congress cannot oversee intelligence agencies if it refuses to discipline its own members. The military cannot remain apolitical if its chain of command becomes optional. The judiciary cannot defend the Constitution while inventing loopholes that erase the separation of powers.

History shows that once a nation militarizes politics, normalizes constitutional shortcuts, or allows government agencies to operate without scrutiny, it does not return to equilibrium peacefully. Something will give.

The question is what — and when.

The responsibility now belongs to us

In a healthy country, this is where the media steps in. This is where universities, pastors, journalists, and cultural leaders pause the outrage machine and explain what is at stake. But today, too many see themselves not as guardians of the republic, but of ideology. Their first loyalty is to narrative, not truth.

The founders never trusted the press more than the public. They trusted citizens who understood their rights, lived their responsibilities, and demanded accountability. That is the antidote to the Bubba effect — not rage, but citizenship.

How to respond without breaking ourselves

Do not riot. Do not withdraw. Do not cheer on destruction just because you dislike the target. That is how nations lose themselves. Instead, demand transparency. Call your representatives. Insist on consequences. Refuse to normalize constitutional violations simply because “everyone does it.” If you expect nothing, you will get nothing.

Do not hand your voice to the loudest warrior simply because he is swinging a bat at the establishment. You do not beat corruption by joining a different version of it. You beat it by modeling the country you want to preserve: principled, accountable, rooted in truth.

Adam Gray / Stringer | Getty Images

Every republic reaches a moment when historians will later say, “That was the warning.” We are living in ours. But warnings are gifts if they are recognized. Institutions bend. People fail. The Constitution can recover — if enough Americans still know and cherish it.

It does not take a majority. Twenty percent of the country — awake, educated, and courageous — can reset the system. It has happened before. It can happen again.

Wake up. Stand up. Demand integrity — from leaders, from institutions, and from yourself. Because the Bubba effect will not end until Americans reclaim the duty that has always belonged to them: preserving the republic for the next generation.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.