Glenn asked YOUR 2024 candidates how they will avoid WORLD WAR III. Here's what they said.

How would YOU want your next President to deal with World War III? Be sure to watch this week's Glenn TV special to hear Glenn's take.

Between Israel, Ukraine, Taiwan, and other regional conflicts, the world is inching toward the precipice of a global war, and the outcome of the 2024 election may very well be the determining factor whether we are pushed over the edge into World War III. According to a recent glennbeck.com poll, most of the respondents said they believe World War III is unavoidable, and the overwhelming majority predicted World War III will erupt within six months AND that the U.S. is in poor shape to engage in a global conflict.

The world is inching toward the precipice of a global war.

The stakes of the 2024 election couldn't be higher, and heading into the third GOP Presidential Primary debate, Americans are seeking clear answers to these global issues that will likely determine the course of our nation. To obtain these answers, Glenn asked Donald Trump, Ron DeSantis, Nikki Haley, Vivek Ramaswamy, Chris Christie, Tim Scott, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to respond to 10 national security questions with clear, written answers. Glenn goes over and ranks each of the candidates' responses on this week's Glenn TV special.

The stakes of the 2024 election couldn't be higher.

Below you will find written responses from Tim Scott, Vivek Ramaswamy, Nikki Haley, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s campaigns. Trump, DeSantis, and Christie were unable to send their responses within the deadline for publication. It is also important to note that Glenn told the candidates to prioritize the first two questions if they were pressed for time preparing for tonight's debate. Be sure to watch this week's Glenn TV special to hear Glenn's review.

Click the arrows in the slides below to read each candidate's response.


What is your strategy to avoid World War III?


Nikki Haley's response:

A strong America doesn’t start wars; a strong America prevents wars. The most urgent priority to avoid America getting dragged into conflict is getting President Joe Biden out of the White House. His weakness has emboldened our enemies and we’re seeing disastrous results around the world. I am the wife of a combat veteran. As we speak, my husband is deployed overseas to keep our country safe. I understand the sacrifice of our service men and women. Our number one goal should be peace, for the sake of our fellow Americans, our children, and our grandchildren. We need a president who understands that protecting our people requires standing with our allies and standing up to our enemies. I will be that president.

With over 10M illegal border crossings in America since Biden took office, hundreds on the terrorist watchlist stopped at our border (that we know of), how will your administration safeguard the country from current and future imported terrorism?

Nikki Haley's response:

Terrorists know that under Joe Biden, the easiest way to get into America is through the southern border. We can’t wait for another 9/11—we need to secure our border, and that’s what I’ll do as president.

I’ll reinstate Title 42 and Remain in Mexico. I’ll end catch-and-release and start catch-and-deport. Instead of the thousands of new IRS agents Biden plans to hire, I’ll hire 25,000 more Border Patrol and ICE agents. I’ll also make sure we stop giving handouts to illegal immigrants and defund sanctuary cities. Finally, I’ll introduce a mandatory national E-Verify program, like I did as governor, which will punish employers who hire illegals.

As president, I’ll also deal with terrorist groups before they get to our borders. Whether it’s Hamas and other Iranian proxies, or the cartels that operate in Mexico with the help of China, we need to choke off the funding these groups use to spread terror.

What is the order of importance for the U.S. right now: the war in Ukraine or the conflict in Israel?

Nikki Haley's response:

To achieve peace, the most important thing we can do right now is help Israel eliminate Hamas, as fast and as fully as possible. Swift and decisive victory in Gaza would stop a broader war in the Middle East. It would also send the best possible signal to Russia and China. The war in Gaza must not become mired down like the war in Ukraine. It is in America’s and the region’s best interest for Israel to win quickly and fully.

The war in Ukraine is another part of the China-Russia-Iran battlefield. A win for Russia is a win for China and Iran. And a win for Russia would not end with Ukraine. We should continue to provide Ukraine the weapons it needs to reclaim its territory. Biden has spent nearly two years delaying and denying Ukraine’s requests for help. That’s doubly wrong, considering Biden’s weakness invited Russia to invade Ukraine in the first place. The longer the war in Ukraine drags on, the more it encourages other wars, in Europe and across the world.

In the midst of the war on Israel, the United Nations made Iran the chair of their human rights forum. Why should the United States continue to support the U.N.?

Nikki Haley's response:

I know what it’s like to fight the UN because I did it every day as ambassador. I successfully pushed for the United States to get out of the falsely-named UN Human Rights Council. I successfully pushed to cut the UN budget, and we saved a billion dollars as a result. I fought the DC establishment and won in pushing to stop American funding for UNRWA, a corrupt UN agency that spreads hate against Israel.

Would you commit to defunding the U.N.?

Nikki Haley's response:

N/A

Is there a strategic reason for the U.S. to continue in NATO?

Nikki Haley's response:

NATO is a 75-year success story. In the half century before NATO existed, Germany twice went to war with its European neighbors, pulling America into two world wars. In the 75 years since, no NATO member has gone to war with another, and the Soviet Union (now Russia) has never attacked a NATO member country. Putin and his proxies have attacked three non-NATO countries in the region. So NATO has been a success. However, America has borne a disproportionate funding burden for NATO. We must make sure every NATO country pays its appropriate share, and we have to stiffen their spines when it comes to confronting our adversaries.

If not, would you support the U.S. withdrawing from it?

Nikki Haley's response:

See above answer.

Given Erdogan’s supportive rhetoric for Hamas, should Turkey still be allowed in NATO?

Nikki Haley's response:

Turkey continues to show why it is not a true partner. It criticizes Israel in outrageous ways. It cozies up to Russia. And it gives comfort to Islamic extremism. America’s and NATO’s relationship with Turkey under its current leadership must be reexamined.

First Russia moved on Ukraine, and now Iran is moving on Israel through its proxies. Do you believe China will soon move on Taiwan, and if so how would you deal with it?

Nikki Haley's response:

Iran, Russia, and China are working together. They don’t just want to conquer our friends. They ultimately want to destroy America. We can’t let that happen.

We should bolster Taiwan’s defense. Communist China needs to know it would pay a very steep price by invading Taiwan. America must rally both our Asian and European allies to the cause of containing China’s military and technological expansion.

How does America avoid being spread too thin on its involvement in global conflicts so that we don’t give strategic advantage to our adversaries?

Nikki Haley's response:

When it comes to spreading ourselves too thin, we should start by looking at how Joe Biden is spending America into bankruptcy, building a political-subsidy economy and gutting our future by swapping economic freedom for government control. If he isn’t stopped, Biden will leave America unable to lead in this time of crisis.

I will bring back a free and flourishing America. We can get our fiscal house in order while modernizing and strengthening our military. We can rev our economy by ditching corporate welfare and regular welfare gone wild. And, yes, we can leave China in the dust by embracing America’s principles and promoting economic freedom.

EXPOSED: Why Eisenhower warned us about endless wars

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Donald Trump emphasizes peace through strength, reminding the world that the United States is willing to fight to win. That’s beyond ‘defense.’

President Donald Trump made headlines this week by signaling a rebrand of the Defense Department — restoring its original name, the Department of War.

At first, I was skeptical. “Defense” suggests restraint, a principle I consider vital to U.S. foreign policy. “War” suggests aggression. But for the first 158 years of the republic, that was the honest name: the Department of War.

A Department of War recognizes the truth: The military exists to fight and, if necessary, to win decisively.

The founders never intended a permanent standing army. When conflict came — the Revolution, the War of 1812, the trenches of France, the beaches of Normandy — the nation called men to arms, fought, and then sent them home. Each campaign was temporary, targeted, and necessary.

From ‘war’ to ‘military-industrial complex’

Everything changed in 1947. President Harry Truman — facing the new reality of nuclear weapons, global tension, and two world wars within 20 years — established a full-time military and rebranded the Department of War as the Department of Defense. Americans resisted; we had never wanted a permanent army. But Truman convinced the country it was necessary.

Was the name change an early form of political correctness? A way to soften America’s image as a global aggressor? Or was it simply practical? Regardless, the move created a permanent, professional military. But it also set the stage for something Truman’s successor, President Dwight “Ike” Eisenhower, famously warned about: the military-industrial complex.

Ike, the five-star general who commanded Allied forces in World War II and stormed Normandy, delivered a harrowing warning during his farewell address: The military-industrial complex would grow powerful. Left unchecked, it could influence policy and push the nation toward unnecessary wars.

And that’s exactly what happened. The Department of Defense, with its full-time and permanent army, began spending like there was no tomorrow. Weapons were developed, deployed, and sometimes used simply to justify their existence.

Peace through strength

When Donald Trump said this week, “I don’t want to be defense only. We want defense, but we want offense too,” some people freaked out. They called him a warmonger. He isn’t. Trump is channeling a principle older than him: peace through strength. Ronald Reagan preached it; Trump is taking it a step further.

Just this week, Trump also suggested limiting nuclear missiles — hardly the considerations of a warmonger — echoing Reagan, who wanted to remove missiles from silos while keeping them deployable on planes.

The seemingly contradictory move of Trump calling for a Department of War sends a clear message: He wants Americans to recognize that our military exists not just for defense, but to project power when necessary.

Trump has pointed to something critically important: The best way to prevent war is to have a leader who knows exactly who he is and what he will do. Trump signals strength, deterrence, and resolve. You want to negotiate? Great. You don’t? Then we’ll finish the fight decisively.

That’s why the world listens to us. That’s why nations come to the table — not because Trump is reckless, but because he means what he says and says what he means. Peace under weakness invites aggression. Peace under strength commands respect.

Trump is the most anti-war president we’ve had since Jimmy Carter. But unlike Carter, Trump isn’t weak. Carter’s indecision emboldened enemies and made the world less safe. Trump’s strength makes the country stronger. He believes in peace as much as any president. But he knows peace requires readiness for war.

Names matter

When we think of “defense,” we imagine cybersecurity, spy programs, and missile shields. But when we think of “war,” we recall its harsh reality: death, destruction, and national survival. Trump is reminding us what the Department of Defense is really for: war. Not nation-building, not diplomacy disguised as military action, not endless training missions. War — full stop.

Chip Somodevilla / Staff | Getty Images

Names matter. Words matter. They shape identity and character. A Department of Defense implies passivity, a posture of reaction. A Department of War recognizes the truth: The military exists to fight and, if necessary, to win decisively.

So yes, I’ve changed my mind. I’m for the rebranding to the Department of War. It shows strength to the world. It reminds Americans, internally and externally, of the reality we face. The Department of Defense can no longer be a euphemism. Our military exists for war — not without deterrence, but not without strength either. And we need to stop deluding ourselves.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Unveiling the Deep State: From surveillance to censorship

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From surveillance abuse to censorship, the deep state used state power and private institutions to suppress dissent and influence two US elections.

The term “deep state” has long been dismissed as the province of cranks and conspiracists. But the recent declassification of two critical documents — the Durham annex, released by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), and a report publicized by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard — has rendered further denial untenable.

These documents lay bare the structure and function of a bureaucratic, semi-autonomous network of agencies, contractors, nonprofits, and media entities that together constitute a parallel government operating alongside — and at times in opposition to — the duly elected one.

The ‘deep state’ is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment.

The disclosures do not merely recount past abuses; they offer a schematic of how modern influence operations are conceived, coordinated, and deployed across domestic and international domains.

What they reveal is not a rogue element operating in secret, but a systematized apparatus capable of shaping elections, suppressing dissent, and laundering narratives through a transnational network of intelligence, academia, media, and philanthropic institutions.

Narrative engineering from the top

According to Gabbard’s report, a pivotal moment occurred on December 9, 2016, when the Obama White House convened its national security leadership in the Situation Room. Attendees included CIA Director John Brennan, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, National Security Agency Director Michael Rogers, FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, Attorney General Loretta Lynch, Secretary of State John Kerry, and others.

During this meeting, the consensus view up to that point — that Russia had not manipulated the election outcome — was subordinated to new instructions.

The record states plainly: The intelligence community was directed to prepare an assessment “per the President’s request” that would frame Russia as the aggressor and then-presidential candidate Donald Trump as its preferred candidate. Notably absent was any claim that new intelligence had emerged. The motivation was political, not evidentiary.

This maneuver became the foundation for the now-discredited 2017 intelligence community assessment on Russian election interference. From that point on, U.S. intelligence agencies became not neutral evaluators of fact but active participants in constructing a public narrative designed to delegitimize the incoming administration.

Institutional and media coordination

The ODNI report and the Durham annex jointly describe a feedback loop in which intelligence is laundered through think tanks and nongovernmental organizations, then cited by media outlets as “independent verification.” At the center of this loop are agencies like the CIA, FBI, and ODNI; law firms such as Perkins Coie; and NGOs such as the Open Society Foundations.

According to the Durham annex, think tanks including the Atlantic Council, the Carnegie Endowment, and the Center for a New American Security were allegedly informed of Clinton’s 2016 plan to link Trump to Russia. These institutions, operating under the veneer of academic independence, helped diffuse the narrative into public discourse.

Media coordination was not incidental. On the very day of the aforementioned White House meeting, the Washington Post published a front-page article headlined “Obama Orders Review of Russian Hacking During Presidential Campaign” — a story that mirrored the internal shift in official narrative. The article marked the beginning of a coordinated media campaign that would amplify the Trump-Russia collusion narrative throughout the transition period.

Surveillance and suppression

Surveillance, once limited to foreign intelligence operations, was turned inward through the abuse of FISA warrants. The Steele dossier — funded by the Clinton campaign via Perkins Coie and Fusion GPS — served as the basis for wiretaps on Trump affiliates, despite being unverified and partially discredited. The FBI even altered emails to facilitate the warrants.

ROBYN BECK / Contributor | Getty Images

This capacity for internal subversion reappeared in 2020, when 51 former intelligence officials signed a letter labeling the Hunter Biden laptop story as “Russian disinformation.” According to polling, 79% of Americans believed truthful coverage of the laptop could have altered the election. The suppression of that story — now confirmed as authentic — was election interference, pure and simple.

A machine, not a ‘conspiracy theory’

The deep state is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment and strategic goals.

Each node — law firms, think tanks, newsrooms, federal agencies — operates with plausible deniability. But taken together, they form a matrix of influence capable of undermining electoral legitimacy and redirecting national policy without democratic input.

The ODNI report and the Durham annex mark the first crack in the firewall shielding this machine. They expose more than a political scandal buried in the past. They lay bare a living system of elite coordination — one that demands exposure, confrontation, and ultimately dismantling.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Trump's proposal explained: Ukraine's path to peace without NATO expansion

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Strategic compromise, not absolute victory, often ensures lasting stability.

When has any country been asked to give up land it won in a war? Even if a nation is at fault, the punishment must be measured.

After World War I, Germany, the main aggressor, faced harsh penalties under the Treaty of Versailles. Germans resented the restrictions, and that resentment fueled the rise of Adolf Hitler, ultimately leading to World War II. History teaches that justice for transgressions must avoid creating conditions for future conflict.

Ukraine and Russia must choose to either continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

Russia and Ukraine now stand at a similar crossroads. They can cling to disputed land and prolong a devastating war, or they can make concessions that might secure a lasting peace. The stakes could not be higher: Tens of thousands die each month, and the choice between endless bloodshed and negotiated stability hinges on each side’s willingness to yield.

History offers a guide. In 1967, Israel faced annihilation. Surrounded by hostile armies, the nation fought back and seized large swaths of territory from Jordan, Egypt, and Syria. Yet Israel did not seek an empire. It held only the buffer zones needed for survival and returned most of the land. Security and peace, not conquest, drove its decisions.

Peace requires concessions

Secretary of State Marco Rubio says both Russia and Ukraine will need to “get something” from a peace deal. He’s right. Israel proved that survival outweighs pride. By giving up land in exchange for recognition and an end to hostilities, it stopped the cycle of war. Egypt and Israel have not fought in more than 50 years.

Russia and Ukraine now press opposing security demands. Moscow wants a buffer to block NATO. Kyiv, scarred by invasion, seeks NATO membership — a pledge that any attack would trigger collective defense by the United States and Europe.

President Donald Trump and his allies have floated a middle path: an Article 5-style guarantee without full NATO membership. Article 5, the core of NATO’s charter, declares that an attack on one is an attack on all. For Ukraine, such a pledge would act as a powerful deterrent. For Russia, it might be more palatable than NATO expansion to its border

Andrew Harnik / Staff | Getty Images

Peace requires concessions. The human cost is staggering: U.S. estimates indicate 20,000 Russian soldiers died in a single month — nearly half the total U.S. casualties in Vietnam — and the toll on Ukrainians is also severe. To stop this bloodshed, both sides need to recognize reality on the ground, make difficult choices, and anchor negotiations in security and peace rather than pride.

Peace or bloodshed?

Both Russia and Ukraine claim deep historical grievances. Ukraine arguably has a stronger claim of injustice. But the question is not whose parchment is older or whose deed is more valid. The question is whether either side is willing to trade some land for the lives of thousands of innocent people. True security, not historical vindication, must guide the path forward.

History shows that punitive measures or rigid insistence on territorial claims can perpetuate cycles of war. Germany’s punishment after World War I contributed directly to World War II. By contrast, Israel’s willingness to cede land for security and recognition created enduring peace. Ukraine and Russia now face the same choice: Continue the cycle of bloodshed or make difficult compromises in pursuit of survival and stability.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The loneliness epidemic: Are machines replacing human connection?

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Seniors, children, and the isolated increasingly rely on machines for conversation, risking real relationships and the emotional depth that only humans provide.

Jill Smola is 75 years old. She’s a retiree from Orlando, Florida, and she spent her life caring for the elderly. She played games, assembled puzzles, and offered company to those who otherwise would have sat alone.

Now, she sits alone herself. Her husband has died. She has a lung condition. She can’t drive. She can’t leave her home. Weeks can pass without human interaction.

Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

But CBS News reports that she has a new companion. And she likes this companion more than her own daughter.

The companion? Artificial intelligence.

She spends five hours a day talking to her AI friend. They play games, do trivia, and just talk. She says she even prefers it to real people.

My first thought was simple: Stop this. We are losing our humanity.

But as I sat with the story, I realized something uncomfortable. Maybe we’ve already lost some of our humanity — not to AI, but to ourselves.

Outsourcing presence

How often do we know the right thing to do yet fail to act? We know we should visit the lonely. We know we should sit with someone in pain. We know what Jesus would do: Notice the forgotten, touch the untouchable, offer time and attention without outsourcing compassion.

Yet how often do we just … talk about it? On the radio, online, in lectures, in posts. We pontificate, and then we retreat.

I asked myself: What am I actually doing to close the distance between knowing and doing?

Human connection is messy. It’s inconvenient. It takes patience, humility, and endurance. AI doesn’t challenge you. It doesn’t interrupt your day. It doesn’t ask anything of you. Real people do. Real people make us confront our pride, our discomfort, our loneliness.

We’ve built an economy of convenience. We can have groceries delivered, movies streamed, answers instantly. But friendships — real relationships — are slow, inefficient, unpredictable. They happen in the blank spaces of life that we’ve been trained to ignore.

And now we’re replacing that inefficiency with machines.

AI provides comfort without challenge. It eliminates the risk of real intimacy. It’s an elegant coping mechanism for loneliness, but a poor substitute for life. If we’re not careful, the lonely won’t just be alone — they’ll be alone with an anesthetic, a shadow that never asks for anything, never interrupts, never makes them grow.

Reclaiming our humanity

We need to reclaim our humanity. Presence matters. Not theory. Not outrage. Action.

It starts small. Pull up a chair for someone who eats alone. Call a neighbor you haven’t spoken to in months. Visit a nursing home once a month — then once a week. Ask their names, hear their stories. Teach your children how to be present, to sit with someone in grief, without rushing to fix it.

Turn phones off at dinner. Make Sunday afternoons human time. Listen. Ask questions. Don’t post about it afterward. Make the act itself sacred.

Humility is central. We prefer machines because we can control them. Real people are inconvenient. They interrupt our narratives. They demand patience, forgiveness, and endurance. They make us confront ourselves.

A friend will challenge your self-image. A chatbot won’t.

Our homes are quieter. Our streets are emptier. Loneliness is an epidemic. And AI will not fix it. It will only dull the edges and make a diminished life tolerable.

Before we worry about how AI will reshape humanity, we must first practice humanity. It can start with 15 minutes a day of undivided attention, presence, and listening.

Change usually comes when pain finally wins. Let’s not wait for that. Let’s start now. Because real connection restores faster than any machine ever will.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.